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THE HISTORIC OPPORTUNITY AND THE CHOICE BETWEEN DIALOGUE AND RESISTANCE
13 .08.2009

Sinar Sami Dishack

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Nearly one hundred fifty years passed since the tragic end of the Russian-Caucasus War and the mass emigration of the majority of Circasssian from their mother land. Their country was fragmented to disperse political entities lacking sovereignty and solid political or cultural identity. Since then, Circassians did not have a viable opportunity to change their status quo and restore their national and cultural identity. This could be related to the regional and international political circumstances that surrounded the North Caucasus region, but also might be related to the weakness and dispersed status of the Circassian nation, in addition to the lack of political consciousness of their issues. However, the current regional and international political and economic circumstances surrounding the Caucasus region provide Circassians with an unprecedented historic opportunity to rebuild their nation and restore its cultural and political identity. But the most important question is: Are Circassians aware of those changing circumstances, and do they possess the required political consciousness and thinking ability to construct an integrated strategy to utilize those circumstances to serve their national aspirations?

No doubt, the recent political, economic, and social events that swept over the Caucasus region – the collapse of the Soviet Union, Chechen first and second war, and the Georgian- Abkhaz first and recent war – restored some kind of hope to Circassian national aspirations whether in the home land or in the Diaspora. But at the same time it instigated a controversial debate among Circassians on the best strategy to deal with Circassian issues. The main strategies orbit around two major contending political trends, a radical trend calling for confrontation with Moscow, and a pragmatic trend calling for rapprochement and open dialogue mixed with measured international and internal pressure not escalating to confrontation.

The radical trend is divided into two major trends. The first operating on an Islamic Jihadist ideology and much influenced by the Chechen Islamic resistance module and other Jihadist movements in the Islamic world. This trend, as other Islamic Jihadist trends, does not possess a definite or comprehensive state project and mainly rely on sparkling and broad Islamic slogans such as applying the Islamic laws (Sharia’a) without presenting a definite or practical mechanism for implementation. The struggle against the Russian is seen as infinite religious war between the nation of Islam and the infidels. However, this trend is mostly internal and operates within the North Caucasus Circassian republics and has no grass roots among Circassian in the Diaspora. The only external avenue for this trend is paneled through the Chechen Islamic network whether in Europe or in the Middle East.

The second radical trend is a nationalist trend and advocating the liberation of the historic land of Circassia from Russia. This trend draws its support mainly from the anti Russian conservative wings in the West which seek to undermine Russia influence in Eurasia and specifically in the Southern Caucasus. This trend is composed of “elitist” groups and individuals in the Diaspora, mainly concentrated in Turkey, across Europe, USA, and Jordan. Despite the lack of a grass root base, this trend is vocal especially in the Western countries due to the support it draws from the media and the academic centers in the West.

Regardless of the ideological disparity between both the Islamic and nationalist radical trends; the national trend exploits and politicizes Russian security response especially to the radical Islamist threat by generating a public and international sense against Russia’s violations of civil and human rights as a plot directed towards undermining Circassian national aspirations. In the same manner, this trend also exploits Russia’s government corruption and its negative impact on the North Caucasus region’s economies to build a sense of Russian conspiracy directed towards undermining the development of the region.

Indeed Russia suffers from concerning issues such as economic inefficiency - mostly related to government corruption, bureaucracy, over reaching state control - , issues related to civil and human right, in addition to minority rights and other economic, social and political issues. However, the radical national trend does not operate from an internal reform perspective rather than exploiting those issues internationally through the Western media and academic panels to justify its demands of separation from Russia. This policy placed the radical trend as a prey in the hand of the Western radical conservative which pushes towards containment policy against Russia to diminish its sphere of influence in the Southern Caucasus region and Ukraine in order to preserve Western energy flow from the Caspian Basin to Europe. In addition to that, this policy places Circassians in confrontation with Russia and undermines all ongoing efforts to restore our national rights, especially the repatriation demands.

Off course, this discourse by the radical trend is not unprecedented and was previously exploited by France, Britain, and the Ottoman Empire to undermine the Russian imperial ambitions in late 18th and the 19th century. The great Russian-Caucasus war that lasted nearly one hundred years (1770-1864) played a major role in blocking Russia’s imperial expansion towards the Middle East which threatened Britain's Indian trade, diminished Russia’s influence in Crimea and Black Sea, which latter played a role in excluding Russia from the future Western colonial plans in undermining and dividing the Ottoman Empire. In return, Russia was granted a free hand in the North Caucasus. The tragedy did not end there; the Ottoman Empire adopted a religious and national propaganda to attract Circassian to the Ottoman Empire, without a proper preparation, to backup its military defeats in the Balkans. After the Ottoman defeat in the Balkans, Circassians were also transferred to Arabia  to further protect the Ottoman interests.

The late Georgian-Abkhaz war in 2008 is hard evidence to the limits of support Circaasian can expect from the West. The West’s blindly supported Georgia’s geographic integrity and turned a blind eye towards Saakashvili’s reckless policies in resorting to military power to resolve the territorial conflict in Abkhazia and Southern Ossetia. The conflict clearly showed that the North Caucasus is not a sphere of rivalry between the West and Russia. The West realizes that the North Caucasus is not a matter of geopolitical compromise in accordance to the Russian National security. Instead, the West seeks to turn the North Caucasus to a buffer zone to diminish and contain Russia’s influence thus eliciting concessions in the Southern Caucasus. This can be achieved only in creating political and security instability in the North Caucasus by provoking radical nationalists and religious separatist propensities within ethnic groups in the North Caucasus. This strategy will entangle Russia in an internal war across the North Caucasus thus undermine its influence in the Southern Caucasus. Off course, other moderate trends in the West, especially in Europe, reject this policy and call instead to engage Russia and to advance cooperation and create common interest in resolving the region’s conflicts. Unfortunately, the radical conservative trend is still dominating the Western foreign policies and constructing it in a cold war mentality pushing towards containment policies and geopolitical struggle.

The Circassian moderate trend is the prevailing trend among Circassian and has two power centers, one in the Caucasus and the second in Turkey. This trend started to formulate in the early sixties in Jordan and the late sixties in Turkey around the idea of repatriation and Circassian national identity. Unfortunately, the sociopolitical and intellectual environment in Jordan did not allow this trend to institutionally develop or to advance a proactive strategy. Instead, Circassian’s institutions in Jordan remained focused on cultural and local social issues and maintained only an emotional attachment to the mother land confined to past memories and tales and does not relate to its present issues. In Turkey, and despite the coercive Turkification policies to assimilate ethnic minorities, the sociopolitical and intellectual environment allowed this trend to flourish into social institution capable in transforming its thoughts into practical programs that deals with present realities whether in the Diaspora or the mother land.

Recently, and after the collapse of the soviet Union, the moderate trend began to develop a political dimension through establishing a direct contact with the Circasian Republics in the Russian Federation and to proactively engage in various political, economic, and cultural issues on all levels. This trend has a pragmatic stance towards issues facing Circassians and works around the economic, political, and cultural issues in the mother land from an internal reform perspective with respect to the specificity and peculiarity of Russian Federation’s internal politics. This policy allows this trend to proactively engage in internal policies and apply positive pressure on Moscow in regard to Circassian’s demands without provoking confrontation or intimidation.

Objectively viewing Russia’s policies in the North Caucasus away from the past’s heritage will allow Circassians to realize Russia’s perspective of its national security thus its concern and what it might offer to Circassians. Russia perceives stability in the North Caucasus as part of its national security and a key stone to maintain its sphere of influence in the Southern region. Accordingly, Russia gave more than indication to involve in a proactive policy towards the issue of the North Caucasus region in return for stability and preventing external intervention. Russia learned that it cannot resort to military option to resolve the ethnic diversity in its federation, thus it has to listen to the demands of ethnic minorities and engage them equally in its national project while maintaining the political and geographic integrity of the federation. In regard to Circassians, whether in the mother land or in the Diaspora, the national interest requires a historic rapprochement with Moscow and to engage in dialogue to resolve various issues including the rights and demands of Circassians living in the Diaspora.

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cc-usa@circassiancenter.com

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