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An\u0131l Sevim<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n Se\u00e7ilebilme ya\u015f\u0131n\u0131n otuz olarak anayasaca belirlendi\u011fi \u00fclkemizden, y\u00fcz y\u0131l \u00f6ncesinin Bel\u00e7ika\u2019s\u0131na do\u011fru bir yolculu\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kal\u0131m. Yer: Br\u00fcksel, Rusya Sosyal Demokrat \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi 2. Kongresi. Bizim se\u00e7ilebilme ya\u015f\u0131n\u0131 hen\u00fcz \u00fc\u00e7 y\u0131l geride b\u0131rakm\u0131\u015f bir adam, kongrede Bol\u015fevik saflar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nderli\u011fini yap\u0131yor. <\/span><\/span><\/p>\n Kar\u015f\u0131 saf\u0131n taktisyeni Martov ve destek\u00e7ilerinin dilinden d\u00fc\u015fmeyen bir s\u00f6ylem, kendisine kar\u015f\u0131 bir antitez \u00fcretilmesi amac\u0131yla s\u00fcrekli kongre salonunun duvarlar\u0131nda \u00e7\u0131nlamakta: Leninizm ve Leninistler! Otuz \u00fc\u00e7 ya\u015f\u0131nda has\u0131mlar\u0131na bu terimleri telaffuz ettirme yetkinli\u011fini ve dehas\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6stermi\u015f bir adam Lenin. Bu kongrenin alt\u0131 sene \u00f6ncesinde de, devasa bir co\u011frafya olan Rusya\u2019n\u0131n di\u015fli mekanizmas\u0131n\u0131 hangi d\u00f6neme s\u0131k\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131p \u00e7\u00f6zm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr bilinmez, \u201cRusya\u2019da Kapitalizmin Geli\u015fmesi\u201d yap\u0131t\u0131n\u0131 vermi\u015fti. Akademisyenlerinin \u201ckitaps\u0131z profes\u00f6r\u201d olmamak ad\u0131na kitap yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 bilimsel \u00fcretim yoksunu T\u00fcrkiye stat\u00fckosuyla k\u0131yasland\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, yirmi be\u015flik delikanl\u0131yken devrim \u00f6nderli\u011fine soyunan, Marksist bilince eri\u015fmi\u015f gruplar\u0131 federatifle\u015ftirmeyi ba\u015faran, ard\u0131ndan savundu\u011fu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn teorisyenli\u011fini s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmek \u00fczere kafas\u0131ndakileri Rus yaz\u0131n\u0131na aktaran ve birka\u00e7 y\u0131l i\u00e7inde bir \u2018izm\u2019 e ismini verme onurunu kazanm\u0131\u015f olan bir kararl\u0131l\u0131k simgesi insana anormal geliyor. Lenin\u2019in, insana anormal ve \u00fczerinde durulas\u0131 gelen bir ba\u015fka noktas\u0131 ise politika ya\u015fam\u0131 s\u00fcresince \u201culusal sorun\u201d \u00fczerine Marx ve Engels \u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131nda d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fc notlar. Etrafl\u0131ca irdelenmek ko\u015fuluyla bug\u00fcn\u00fcn d\u00fcnya d\u00fczenine adapte edilmesi ve tasarlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 modellerin uygulanabilirli\u011finin tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 bu notlar\u0131 pratik anlamda daha \u00f6nemli ve etkin k\u0131lar. Bu erekle, Lenin\u2019in ulusal sorun \u00fczerine notlar\u0131nda tan\u0131mland\u0131rmak istedikleriyle ilgili \u00f6znel ve y\u00fczeysel yollu, sonu\u00e7 \u00fcretici bir de\u011ferlendirme yapal\u0131m.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n S\u00f6z\u00fc uzatmadan belirtmekte yarar var ki, Lenin kapitalist bir devlet adam\u0131. Kapitalizmin t\u00fcm \u00f6\u011felerini derinlemesine \u00f6z\u00fcmsemi\u015f insan anlam\u0131na gelebilecek olan \u201ckapitalist\u201d deyimi onun i\u00e7in biraz y\u00fcksek dozlu bir kullan\u0131m olarak d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclece\u011finden, bunun yerine \u201ckapitalizm terimine olumlu bakan devlet adam\u0131\u201d tan\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 kullanmam\u0131z bizler i\u00e7in daha az yad\u0131rgat\u0131c\u0131 olacakt\u0131r belki. Bu \u00f6nermemizi destekleyici nitelikte \u015f\u00f6yle \u00f6rnekleri ortaya koymam\u0131z m\u00fcmk\u00fcn: 1913\u2019te Prosve\u015f\u00e7enye\u2019de kaleme ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201cUlusal Sorun \u00dczerine Ele\u015ftirel Notlar (1)\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 yaz\u0131s\u0131nda enternasyonalci proletarya d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesini \u00f6ylesine \u00e7ok y\u00f6nl\u00fc bir bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131yla savunmakta ki, bu nosyonu desteklerken ABD\u2019ye \u00e7e\u015fitli co\u011frafyalardan g\u00f6\u00e7en ABDlile\u015ftirilme s\u00fcrecindeki uluslar benze\u015fiminden yararlanmakta sak\u0131nca g\u00f6rm\u00fcyor. ABD \u00f6rneklemesini de \u015fu sonu\u00e7la noktal\u0131yor: \u201cMilliyet\u00e7i \u00f6nyarg\u0131lara saplanmam\u0131\u015f bir kimse, kapitalizmin bu uluslar\u0131 (ABD\u2019de bir araya gelerek do\u011fal ulusal \u00f6z\u00fcmlemeye tabi tutulmu\u015f uluslar\u0131 kastederek) \u00f6z\u00fcmlemesi s\u00fcrecini, b\u00fcy\u00fck bir tarihsel ilerleme, \u00f6rne\u011fin Rusya benzeri geri \u00fclkelerde oldu\u011fu gibi d\u00fcnyan\u0131n unutulmu\u015f kovuklar\u0131nda ulusal al\u0131\u015fkanl\u0131klar\u0131n y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131 olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcr (2)\u201d. Lenin, bir anlamda Marx\u2019\u0131n ezilen ulus olarak tabir etti\u011fi \u00e7o\u011fu etnisitenin bask\u0131n uluslarca asimile edilmesi s\u00fcrecini proleter enternasyonalizmi egemen k\u0131labilmek i\u00e7in bir gereklilik ve \u201c\u00f6nyarg\u0131lar\u0131ndan ar\u0131nm\u0131\u015f\u201d insanlar i\u00e7in b\u00fcy\u00fck bir tarihsel ilerleme olarak \u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fcze koyuyor. Marksist-Leninist bir model olan \u201culusal \u00f6z\u00fcmleme\u201d modelinin \u00f6zellikle d\u00f6nemin (1900-1915) Yahudilerince savunulan ulusal k\u00fclt\u00fcr \u00f6zerkli\u011fine kar\u015f\u0131 savunulmas\u0131nda, kapitalist ABD\u2019nin asimilasyon stratejilerinin \u00f6rnek ve koz olarak kullan\u0131lmas\u0131, bu stratejilerin i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n haklar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6zeten sosyal-demokrat d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceyle paralel nitelikler ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6ne s\u00fcr\u00fclmesi Lenin\u2019le ilgili kafalarda soru i\u015faretleri yaratan s\u00f6ylemlerinin bir k\u0131sm\u0131d\u0131r. S\u00f6zgelimi, bir zamanlar b\u00fcy\u00fck b\u00fcy\u00fck nenesi Bernard Shaw Afrikas\u0131\u2019nda tanr\u0131y\u0131 arayan kara k\u0131z olan Condoleezza Rice\u2019\u0131n bug\u00fcn ABD\u2019nin Ortado\u011fu\u2019daki petrol planlar\u0131n\u0131n kilit akt\u00f6r\u00fc konumunda olmas\u0131, asimile ABDliler olgusunun ironik bir \u00f6rne\u011fidir.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n S\u00f6z konusu soru i\u015faretlerini g\u00f6rece azaltan bir Lenin yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 ise, onun d\u00fcnya siyaset tarihi \u015fablonunu kafas\u0131nda tasarlay\u0131\u015f bi\u00e7imidir: Feodalite, burjuva devrimle yok olarak yerini egemen burjuvaziye b\u0131rak\u0131r. Proleter devrim ise zincirin son halkas\u0131 olacak, sosyalist enternasyonalizmin ge\u00e7erli d\u00fczen olmas\u0131na zemin haz\u0131rlayacakt\u0131r. <\/span><\/span><\/p>\n Feodalite <\/span><\/span><\/span> \u00e8 <\/span>(burjuva devrim) <\/span><\/i>Egemen Burjuvazi <\/span><\/span> \u00e8<\/span><\/span> (proleter devrim) <\/span><\/i><\/span>Sosyalist Enternasyonalizm<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n Bir zincirin adamak\u0131ll\u0131 zincir olmas\u0131, onu olu\u015fturan halkalar\u0131n sa\u011flamca birbirine ba\u011fl\u0131 olmas\u0131yla m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr varsay\u0131m\u0131ndan yola \u00e7\u0131karak, Lenin\u2019in kapitalizmi \u2013ki \u00fcstteki \u015fablonda egemen burjuvaziyle sembolize edilmektedir- sosyalist enternasyonalizme giden merdivenin ilk basamaklar\u0131 olarak de\u011ferlendirdi\u011fi ve konuya bu g\u00f6zl\u00fckle bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bilincine kavu\u015fmam\u0131z, bizim onun d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerine daha sa\u011fl\u0131kl\u0131 bir perspektiften bakmam\u0131z\u0131 sa\u011flayacakt\u0131r. Yani, Lenin kapitalizmi bir ba\u015fka kapitalizmdir, s\u00fcre\u00e7 i\u00e7inde proletaryaya hizmet eder. \u015eimdi bu sonucu ve Stalin\u2019in bu sonu\u00e7tan ne anlad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ulusal sorun olgusuyla ili\u015fkilendirmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015farak \u00f6zelle\u015ftirelim:<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n Tarihin, \u201cStalin ke\u015fke Leninist olmasayd\u0131.\u201d dedirten birka\u00e7 olaya tan\u0131kl\u0131k etmi\u015fli\u011fi vard\u0131r. Ger\u00e7i Lenin \u00f6lmeden hemen \u00f6nce ileriyi g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015f olacak ki, uzun s\u00fcre Stalin\u2019in de ambargosuyla g\u00fcn \u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131na \u00e7\u0131kmam\u0131\u015f vasiyetinde, \u201cAman, Stalin\u2019e g\u00f6z-kulak olun!\u201d anlam\u0131nda t\u00fcmceleri yer yer kullanmakta gereklilik g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Ama bu vasiyet, yaz\u0131ya d\u00f6k\u00fclmekte olduk\u00e7a ge\u00e7 kal\u0131nm\u0131\u015f d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceleri temsil ediyordu ve Lenin\u2019in baz\u0131 hatalar\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fczeltmekten yana pek bir katk\u0131da bulunamad\u0131. Lenin, karakteri ve devrimci bir devlet adam\u0131n\u0131n 1917 Rusya\u2019s\u0131n\u0131n mevcut karga\u015fas\u0131nda tak\u0131nmas\u0131 gereken tutum gere\u011fi s\u00f6ylemlerinde dogmatik bir a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131k ta\u015f\u0131yordu. \u00c7o\u011fu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerini devrimcilere ve devrime inand\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 gereken kitlelere \u00f6ylesine sert bir bi\u00e7emle ve aksiyomvari bir tarzda deklere etti ki, galiba insanlar (Stalin\u2019in de i\u00e7inde bulundu\u011fu insanlar) Lenin\u2019in \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclmesi i\u00e7in hi\u00e7bir a\u00e7\u0131k kap\u0131 b\u0131rakmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu tezlerinin ac\u0131t\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda bir i\u00e7g\u00fcd\u00fcsel savunma kalkan\u0131 olu\u015fturarak, hi\u00e7 olmazsa kendi fikirlerini bu tezlere adapte etmeye \u00e7abalad\u0131lar. Ne diyordu Lenin? \u201cSosyalizm bir ge\u00e7i\u015f ve diktat\u00f6rl\u00fck rejimidir.\u201d diyordu. Utkun sosyalizmden tam kom\u00fcnizme ge\u00e7i\u015fe kadar s\u00fcrecek bir dikta d\u00f6neminden bahsediyordu. Bu, sosyalist proleter diktat\u00f6rl\u00fckt\u00fcr ve tam kom\u00fcnizme ge\u00e7i\u015fe dek ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmazd\u0131r. (3) San\u0131r\u0131z Stalin, Lenin y\u00f6netiminin Ekim Devrimi\u2019nden sonra bile Sovyetleri tam kom\u00fcnizmle tan\u0131\u015ft\u0131ramad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve \u00fclkede hala \u201cge\u00e7ici sosyalist dikta\u201dn\u0131n egemen oldu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015f olacak ki, bu delikanl\u0131 dikta sisteminin sonuna dek s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclebilmesinin gene delikanl\u0131 bir diktat\u00f6rce olanakl\u0131 olabilece\u011fini \u00f6n g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015f, konuyla ilgili olarak Hitler ile cesurca a\u015f\u0131k atm\u0131\u015f, bu ikili diktat\u00f6rl\u00fck oyununu daha heyecanl\u0131 k\u0131lmak i\u00e7in s\u0131n\u0131r b\u00f6lgelerdeki neye u\u011frad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 \u015fa\u015f\u0131rm\u0131\u015f olan \u0130ngu\u015f, Ah\u0131ska, Kara\u00e7ay, Da\u011f\u0131stanl\u0131 vs. halklar\u0131 kurallar\u0131n\u0131 kendi belirledi\u011fi ge\u00e7i\u015f sisteminin h\u00fcmanist (!) penceresinden bakarak vatana ihanet zanl\u0131s\u0131 olarak yarg\u0131layabilmi\u015ftir. RSD\u0130P Ulusal Program\u0131\u2019na \u201cRusya\u2019da s\u0131n\u0131r b\u00f6lgelerinde \u00f6yle ezilen uluslar g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz ki, bunlar kom\u015fu devletlerde daha b\u00fcy\u00fck bir \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011fe sahiptirler.\u201d (4) \u0130baresini koyan Lenin, hen\u00fcz o g\u00fcnlerde 2. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019nda Hitler\u2019le oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131 askercilik z\u0131rvas\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda Marx\u2019\u0131n ezilen uluslar\u0131na Bol\u015fevik postuna b\u00fcr\u00fcnerek \u015fovence mi, sosyalist\u00e7e mi oldu\u011fu tart\u0131\u015f\u0131las\u0131 baz\u0131 yapt\u0131r\u0131mlarda bulunan \u2013ki bu ba\u015fka tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n konusudur- ve paradokslar\u0131n adam\u0131 s\u0131fat\u0131n\u0131 haketmi\u015f olan bir Stalin karakterinin vuku bulaca\u011f\u0131ndan haberdar de\u011fildi. \u00d6nceden de ifade etti\u011fimiz gibi sert bi\u00e7eminden ve ideolojisini savunma tarz\u0131ndaki agresiflikten olacak, Lenin\u2019in ulusal sorun ve ulusal sorunu sosyalist enternasyonalizmin nas\u0131l \u00e7\u00f6zd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ile ilgili insanc\u0131l mesajlar\u0131 tam anlam\u0131yla yerine ula\u015famam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r, aksine yanl\u0131\u015f anla\u015f\u0131labilmi\u015f ve yorumlanabilmi\u015ftir. Bu ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131kta dallar\u0131 ta Stalin\u2019den bug\u00fcn\u00fcn Putin\u2019ine uzanan bir baba olarak Lenin\u2019in pay\u0131 yads\u0131namaz. Bu pay\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 yapman\u0131n da yollar\u0131na bakal\u0131m.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n Lenin, Ekim Devrimi ile son bulan d\u00f6nem s\u00fcresince asl\u0131nda Engels\u2019in \u201cBa\u015fka uluslar\u0131 ezen bir ulus \u00f6zg\u00fcr olamaz.\u201d ve Marx\u2019\u0131n \u201cHer ulusun kendi kaderini tayin etme hakk\u0131 vard\u0131r.\u201d \u00f6nermelerini olumlay\u0131c\u0131\u00a0 ve anafikri bu \u00f6nermeler olan s\u00f6ylevlerin alt\u0131na imzas\u0131n\u0131 atmak i\u00e7in u\u011fra\u015f vermi\u015fti. Ancak s\u00f6ylem ve eylemlerinin baz\u0131 can al\u0131c\u0131 noktalar\u0131nda \u00f6ylesine e\u011filip b\u00fck\u00fclebilecek yakla\u015f\u0131mlar sergilemektedir ki, baz\u0131lar\u0131nca da bu esnekli\u011fin talihsizce kullan\u0131lmas\u0131 ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olmu\u015ftur. Lenin\u2019in Ekim Devrimi\u2019nin altyap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 haz\u0131rlarken Ukrayna ile ilgili belirledi\u011fi \u00e7izgi bu ac\u0131 yakla\u015f\u0131mlardan biri. Kendisinin de kabul etti\u011fi \u00fczere Ukrayna topraklar\u0131, 19. Y\u00fczy\u0131ldan beri s\u00fcregelen ekonomik geli\u015fimi sonucunda \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli bir \u00fcretim fakt\u00f6r\u00fc potansiyeli konumuna ula\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Ekonomik anlamda bir cevher, bir \u201cbonus\u201dtu. 20. Y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015flamas\u0131yla birlikte seslerini art\u0131ran ve \u00c7arl\u0131k rejimi i\u00e7in kar\u0131n a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131 durumunu alan Ukrayna \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fcleri y\u00fcz\u00fcnden Ukrayna, Lenin i\u00e7in de devrimin ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmesinde gerekli \u00f6n ko\u015fullar\u0131n finansal aya\u011f\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturan, ama elden ka\u00e7mas\u0131 an meselesi olan bir g\u00fcvercin pozisyonundad\u0131r. Bu de\u011ferli g\u00fcvercinin u\u00e7up gitmemesi i\u00e7in tek \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f yolu, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fclere kar\u015f\u0131 s\u0131k\u0131 bir ajitasyon hareketine giri\u015fmektir. Art\u0131k, ba\u015f\u0131n\u0131 Yurkevi\u00e7\u2019in tuttu\u011fu bir grup Ukrayna \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fcn fi\u015fini \u00e7ekmenin zaman\u0131 gelmi\u015ftir. Lenin, bu noktada belki de kendi ya\u015fam\u0131nda ve Ukrayna tarihinde d\u00f6n\u00fcm noktas\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturacak bir karar\u0131n ilk ad\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 at\u0131yor. Yol ikiye ayr\u0131lmakta: Ukrayna ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z olacakt\u0131r, ya da bu talebini bir s\u00fcreli\u011fine erteleyip B\u00fcy\u00fck-Rusya\u2019ya ba\u011fl\u0131 bir toprak par\u00e7as\u0131 olarak Lenin\u2019in Ekim Devrimi\u2019yle v\u00fccut bulan idealine hizmet edecektir. Lenin, tezlerinde yolun ikinci sapa\u011f\u0131na hizmet eden s\u00f6ylemlerde bulunmaya karar verir; hem de o bahsetti\u011fimiz al\u0131\u015f\u0131lagelen sertli\u011fiyle: \u201cUkrayna\u2019n\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi, burjuva milliyet\u00e7ilerinin ve toprak a\u011falar\u0131n\u0131n laf\u0131n\u0131 etti\u011fi bir \u00e7akall\u0131ktan ba\u015fka bir \u015fey de\u011fildir!\u201d \u201cProletarya egemenli\u011fi i\u00e7in Ukrayna ve B\u00fcy\u00fck-Rus proleterlerinin ayn\u0131 bayrak alt\u0131nda sava\u015f\u0131m vermesi \u015fartt\u0131r!\u201d 1917\u2019ye hen\u00fcz d\u00f6rt y\u0131l var, 1905 giri\u015fimi de\u011fil herhangi bireyde, en ate\u015fli devrimcide bile bezginlik yaratm\u0131\u015f, o g\u00fcnlerde do\u011frudan devrim yapman\u0131n laf\u0131n\u0131 edene ac\u0131yan g\u00f6zlerle bak\u0131l\u0131yor \u00e7o\u011fu taraf\u0131ndan. B\u00f6ylesi elveri\u015fsiz ko\u015fullarda ve umut hemen hemen yokken, Lenin beynine \u00f6yle bir kararl\u0131l\u0131k ilac\u0131 enjekte etmi\u015f ki, ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z Ukrayna d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesini bu yaz\u0131-turan\u0131n i\u00e7inde feda etmeye \u00e7oktan haz\u0131r. \u2018Kendi kaderini tayin etmek isteyen\u2019 Ukrayna\u2019ya \u201cHay\u0131r!\u201d diyor. Kendilerini Marksist olarak niteleyen Ukrayna \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fcs\u00fc Yurkevi\u00e7 ve arkada\u015flar\u0131 i\u00e7in, \u201cBu insanlar Marksist oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yleyerek Marksizm\u2019e hakaret eden \u015foven k\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131lard\u0131r. Sadece Marksizm\u2019e de\u011fil, \u00fclkeleri olan Ukrayna\u2019ya da ihanet etmektedirler!\u201d derken acaba devrimin ger\u00e7ekle\u015fme olas\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kafas\u0131nda y\u00fczde ka\u00e7 olarak belirlemi\u015ftir?<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n \u201cNorve\u00e7 ile \u0130sve\u00e7 aras\u0131ndaki co\u011frafi, iktisadi ve dil ba\u011flar\u0131, B\u00fcy\u00fck-Ruslarla bir\u00e7ok \u00f6teki Slav uluslar\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki ba\u011flardan daha az s\u0131k\u0131 de\u011fildir.\u201d (5) Lenin\u2019e ait olan bu tespitten yola \u00e7\u0131karak Norve\u00e7 – \u0130sve\u00e7 ili\u015fkisiyle B\u00fcy\u00fck-Rus \u2013 di\u011fer Slav uluslar ili\u015fkisini \u00e7ok benzer g\u00f6ren Lenin’in, Norve\u00e7\u2019in \u0130sve\u00e7 kral\u0131n\u0131 tan\u0131mayarak \u0130sve\u00e7\u2019ten ayr\u0131l\u0131p tam ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir cumhuriyet kurmas\u0131n\u0131 her y\u00f6nden hakl\u0131 bulup \u00f6verken, Ukrayna\u2019n\u0131n B\u00fcy\u00fck-Rusya’dan ayr\u0131lma talebini \u015fiddetle reddetmesini gene kendi g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri \u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131nda yorumlamakta yarar var. Lenin Norve\u00e7\u2019in \u0130sve\u00e7 i\u00e7inde \u00f6zerk bir toprak par\u00e7as\u0131 olarak kalmas\u0131n\u0131n \u0130sve\u00e7 aristokrasisiyle aras\u0131nda sonu gelmez \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalara zemin haz\u0131rlayabilece\u011fi, s\u0131n\u0131f sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 serbest\u00e7e y\u00fcr\u00fctmede engel te\u015fkil edebilece\u011fi, Norve\u00e7 halk\u0131n\u0131n ekonomik ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc baltalayabilece\u011fi olas\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 sakl\u0131 tutuyor ve Norve\u00e7\u2019in ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k hamlesinin ne kadar yerinde bir karar oldu\u011funu bu olas\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 \u00f6ne s\u00fcrerek ifade ediyor. (6) Ukrayna\u2019n\u0131n Rusya\u2019ya ba\u011fl\u0131 kalmas\u0131 durumunun Rus burjuva y\u00f6netici s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131yla Ukrayna aras\u0131nda ayn\u0131 sorunlar\u0131n patlak vermesine neden olaca\u011f\u0131 sorununa ihtimal vermiyor ayn\u0131 Lenin. Bir ulusun kendi kaderini tayin edebilme \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn olmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fi g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc bu tavr\u0131na ra\u011fmen kat\u0131ks\u0131zca savunabilecek midir dersiniz?<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n Ekim Devrimi\u2019nden yetmi\u015f y\u0131l sonras\u0131na, art\u0131k liberal d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin borusunu \u00f6tt\u00fcrmeye ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00f6nemlere kayal\u0131m. Yetmi\u015f y\u0131l \u00f6ncesinin kom\u00fcnizmi serpi\u015ftirdi\u011fi co\u011frafya \u015fimdilerde Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z Devletler Toplulu\u011fu ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda federatifle\u015fme s\u00fcrecine girmi\u015ftir. Federatif y\u00f6netim anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131, Marksist-Leninist ideolojinin temelden reddetti\u011fi bir anlay\u0131\u015ft\u0131r ki Yeltsinli Rusya i\u00e7in art\u0131k bunlar\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmenin s\u0131ras\u0131 de\u011fildir. Ulusal k\u00fclt\u00fcr \u00f6zerkli\u011fini temel ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve uluslar\u0131 sinikle\u015ftirdi\u011fi gibi gerek\u00e7elerle Leninizm\u2019in kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir sistemi benimsemi\u015f olmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen liberal-federatif Rusya\u2019n\u0131n Putin y\u00f6netimiyle devrimci Sovyetlerin Lenin y\u00f6netimi aras\u0131nda bir konuda \u015fa\u015f\u0131lacak bir paralellik h\u00fck\u00fcm s\u00fcrmekte: Uluslar\u0131n kaderlerini tayin etme hakk\u0131na sayg\u0131 g\u00f6stermeme. Ge\u00e7ti\u011fimiz y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131ndaki Ukrayna\u2019n\u0131n durumu bir yana, bug\u00fcn de federasyona girmeyi reddeden uluslara y\u00f6nelik \u201cRusya\u2019n\u0131n Toprak B\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc Koruma\u201d ad\u0131nda bir ajitasyon sistemi devreye sokulmu\u015f bulunuyor. Ancak paralel oldu\u011funu belirtti\u011fimiz durumlar aras\u0131nda gene de belirgin bir fark mevcut: Rasyonalist g\u00f6zle bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda devrime hizmet etmesi gerekti\u011fi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesiyle Lenin’in Ukrayna\u2019n\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc kabul edilebilir bulmamas\u0131 ne kadar erdemli say\u0131labilecek bir tav\u0131r ise-ki say\u0131l\u0131p say\u0131lmamas\u0131 durumu \u00f6zneldir-, Putin\u2019in \u2018emperyalizm\u2019e hizmet etmesi gerekti\u011fi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesiyle ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k\u00e7\u0131 uluslar\u0131n taleplerini reddetmesi de o kadar erdemsizcedir yaz\u0131k ki. Belki de Putin, federasyondan ayr\u0131lmak isteyen uluslar\u0131n topraklar\u0131na ordular\u0131n\u0131 y\u0131\u011fd\u0131\u011f\u0131 zamanlarda Lenin’in devrim d\u00f6neminde yapt\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 referans alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131; mamafih amac\u0131n erdemli olup olmamas\u0131n\u0131n, arac\u0131n erdemli olup olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 konusunda belirleyici rol oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ger\u00e7e\u011fini g\u00f6rememi\u015fti!<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n Ne olursa olsun, evrensel kriterler dikkate al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda bir ulusun kaderini tayin hakk\u0131 her t\u00fcrl\u00fc erekten \u00fcst\u00fcn tutulmal\u0131 ve yap\u0131lacak \u015fey insanl\u0131\u011fa \u00e7a\u011f atlatt\u0131racak derecede de \u00f6nemli olsa u\u011frunda \u00f6d\u00fcn verilecek ve sayg\u0131 g\u00f6sterilmeyecek en son hak olmal\u0131d\u0131r. Bu noktada V. \u0130. Lenin’in, savundu\u011fu de\u011ferlere ters d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz baz\u0131 eylemlerini de\u011fi\u015fik boyutlardan ele alarak ele\u015ftirdiysek de, onun ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7alkant\u0131l\u0131 d\u00f6nem boyunca s\u00f6zc\u00fcs\u00fc oldu\u011fu \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc ve insanc\u0131l nosyonlar\u0131 21. Y\u00fczy\u0131l insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131na dek iletmi\u015f olmas\u0131 ve geli\u015ftirdi\u011fi siyasi felsefenin kendinden sonraki bir\u00e7ok devlet ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn adam\u0131na, bug\u00fcn dahi k\u0131lavuzluk etmi\u015f oldu\u011fu ger\u00e7eklerini yads\u0131mam\u0131z do\u011fru olmayacakt\u0131r. G\u00f6z ard\u0131 edilmemesi gereken bir ba\u015fka durum ise federatif bir s\u00fcper g\u00fc\u00e7 kimli\u011fiyle Rusya\u2019n\u0131n 20. Y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131ndan bu yana iki idari rejime tan\u0131kl\u0131k etmi\u015f olmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen baz\u0131 genel-ge\u00e7er demokrasi ve diplomasi kavramlar\u0131n\u0131 hala tam anlam\u0131yla sindirememi\u015f oldu\u011fudur. Kapitalizm her ge\u00e7en dakika b\u00fcy\u00fck devletlerin di\u015flilerini ya\u011flarken ulusal bilin\u00e7le k\u00fclt\u00fcrlerini korumaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan g\u00f6rece k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck halklar\u0131 da bu di\u015flilerin aras\u0131na itekliyor. Bu itekleme s\u00fcrecinden kurtulman\u0131n yolu, tarihi, deneyimleri ve ge\u00e7mi\u015f d\u00f6nemlerdeki liderlerinin \u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131yla hatal\u0131 davranmaya hakk\u0131 en az olmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen ulusal sorunu hala \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmleyememi\u015f olan Rusya\u2019n\u0131n \u015fapkas\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6n\u00fcne koyup bir-iki dakikal\u0131\u011f\u0131na d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmesinden ge\u00e7er. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc Engels, Marx ve Lenin’in de hemfikir oldu\u011fu \u00fczere k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck uluslar\u0131 boyunduruk alt\u0131nda tutman\u0131n asl\u0131nda onu boyunduruk alt\u0131nda tutan b\u00fcy\u00fck uluslar i\u00e7in ne b\u00fcy\u00fck bir felaket oldu\u011funun ay\u0131rd\u0131na var\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00fcn, d\u00fcnya uygarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n Cesur Yeni D\u00fcnya senaryolar\u0131ndan basit ve m\u00fcreffeh ulus-\u00fclkeler senaryolar\u0131na terfi etti\u011fi g\u00fcn olacakt\u0131r.<\/span><\/p>\n D\u0130PNOTLAR: Anıl Sevim Seçilebilme yaşının otuz olarak anayasaca belirlendiği ülkemizden, yüz yıl öncesinin Belçika’sına doğru bir yolculuğa çıkalım. Yer: Brüksel, Rusya Sosyal Demokrat İşçi Partisi 2. Kongresi. Bizim seçilebilme yaşını henüz üç yıl geride bırakmış bir adam, kongrede Bolşevik saflarının önderliğini yapıyor. Karşı safın taktisyeni Martov ve destekçilerinin dilinden düşmeyen bir söylem, kendisine karşı bir antitez 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\n1)<\/b> <\/span> Lenin, V. \u0130.: Uluslar\u0131n Kaderlerini Tayin Hakk\u0131, Sol Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, Ankara 1998.<\/span><\/span>
\n2)<\/b> <\/span> Lenin, V. \u0130.: Uluslar\u0131n Kaderlerini Tayin Hakk\u0131, Sol Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, Ankara 1998, s.27.<\/span><\/span>
\n3) <\/b> <\/span> Lenin, V. \u0130.: Uluslar\u0131n Kaderlerini Tayin Hakk\u0131, Sol Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, Ankara 1998, s.152.<\/span><\/span>
\n4)<\/b> <\/span> Lenin, V. \u0130.: Uluslar\u0131n Kaderlerini Tayin Hakk\u0131, Sol Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, Ankara 1998, s.13.
\n5) <\/b>Lenin, V. \u0130.: Uluslar\u0131n Kaderlerini Tayin Hakk\u0131, Sol Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, Ankara 1998, s.86.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"