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Charles Burney\u00a0 \u00a0<\/b>
\n\u00c7eviri: \u0130lker F\u0131\u00e7\u0131c\u0131lar<\/p>\n
Anadolu prehistoryas\u0131 alan\u0131ndaki h\u00fcnerli \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 ve tabii ki uzun suredir yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 Acemh\u00f6y\u00fck\u2019teki kaz\u0131lar\u0131yla tan\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z Profes\u00f6r Nimet \u00d6zg\u00fc\u00e7\u2019\u00fcn onuruna, benden de bir konu\u015fma istenmesi benim i\u00e7in bir ayr\u0131cal\u0131k. Profes\u00f6r Nimet ve Tahsin \u00d6zg\u00fc\u00e7\u2019\u00fcn birlikte yapt\u0131klar\u0131 son \u0130ngiltere turlar\u0131n\u0131n bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcnde ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdikleri Manchester ziyaretinde s\u0131ras\u0131yla Acemh\u00f6y\u00fck ve Masath\u00f6y\u00fck hakk\u0131nda verdikleri konu\u015fma s\u0131ras\u0131nda t\u00fcm bunlar\u0131n daha \u00e7ok fark\u0131na b\u00fcy\u00fck bir zevkle vard\u0131m. Her ne kadar Alt\u0131ntepe (1) ile ilintili olsa da, bu M.\u00d6. ikinci bin y\u0131llardaki orta Anadolu\u2019yla hi\u00e7bir ilgisi olmayan k\u0131sa bir makale kabul edilmelidir.<\/p>\n Ge\u00e7mi\u015f d\u00f6nemde T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin i\u00e7indeki ve \u00f6tesindeki \u00e7o\u011fu Urartu sitelerinde bulunanlar, \u00f6nemlerine ve verilerin etkileyiciliklerine ra\u011fmen, belki de ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olarak, benzer nitelik g\u00f6steriyorlard\u0131. Bildiklerimizdeki bo\u015fluklar\u0131n \u00e7o\u011fu hala duruyor. \u00d6rne\u011fin, Rusa II’nin zaman\u0131nda neler ya\u015fand\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kim s\u00f6yleyebilir? M.\u00d6. yedinci y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n tamam\u0131 hakk\u0131ndaki yaz\u0131tlar\u0131n eksikli\u011finden daha hayal k\u0131r\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131 yaratacak bir \u015fey de olamaz.<\/p>\n Yine de bu tart\u0131\u015fman\u0131n odak noktas\u0131 Urartu krallar mezarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nde gelen tanr\u0131s\u0131 Haldi hakk\u0131nda olacak. Urartu yaz\u0131tlar\u0131n\u0131n dilinin toplam\u0131na (Konig’in adland\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi) Haldice (“Chaldian”) demek ger\u00e7ekten kafa kar\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 (2). Belki de Urartu’yu “Haldistan” ismiyle anmak daha iyi olurdu! Sennacherib’in Malta’deki kaya r\u00f6lyeflerinde, Ashur’un, eski S\u00fcmer tanr\u0131s\u0131 Enlil’in \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc s\u0131raya d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc kutsal t\u00f6renlere refakat\u00e7isi Ninlil ile birlikte \u00f6nderlik etti\u011fi g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr. Bu Thureau-Dangin taraf\u0131ndan yay\u0131nlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r (4). Son zamanlarda Ashur ve Shamash tanr\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n ikonografilerinin benzer oldu\u011fu \u00f6ne s\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc, b\u00f6ylece ge\u00e7 Asur sanat\u0131n\u0131n, niteliklerinden \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fc Ashur’a atfedilen fig\u00fcrlerinin do\u011fru olmayabilece\u011fini anl\u0131yoruz (5). Mehr kap\u0131s\u0131nda ve Musasir’de (6) kan\u0131tland\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fczere Urartu krallar mezarl\u0131\u011f\u0131nda eski Hurri hava tanr\u0131s\u0131 Tesheba, Adilcevaz’daki (7) Van g\u00f6l\u00fc k\u0131y\u0131s\u0131ndaki tap\u0131naktan anla\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131na g\u00f6re M.\u00d6. yedinci y\u00fczy\u0131lda \u00f6nceki prestijinin bir k\u0131sm\u0131na sahip olmas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131n, ikinci s\u0131radad\u0131r ve tabii ki orada dahi Haldi r\u00f6lyeflerde di\u011fer tanr\u0131lardan daha \u00e7ok g\u00f6r\u00fclmektedir (bunlardan biri 1957’de Kef kalesinde yazara da g\u00f6sterilmi\u015ftir). Bunlar Profes\u00f6r Baki Og\u00fcn taraf\u0131ndan yap\u0131lan kaz\u0131larda, yedinci y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n bu \u00f6nemli ve Van g\u00f6l\u00fcne hat\u0131r\u0131 say\u0131l\u0131r bir y\u00fckseklikten bakan Urartu kalesinde bulunmu\u015ftur (8).<\/p>\n Ger\u00e7ekten de Rusa I Sarduhini’nin (M.\u00d6. 735 – 714) h\u00fck\u00fcmdarl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan sonraki yaz\u0131tlardan yetersiz de olsa kurtulanlar, Haldi’nin tamamen kaybolan prestiji ve konumu ile Sargon II, ve olas\u0131l\u0131kla krall\u0131k \u00fczerindeki etkileri ile daha zarar verici olan Cimmeryanlar taraf\u0131ndan da\u011f\u0131t\u0131lan krall\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n k\u00fclt\u00fc hakk\u0131nda az bir kan\u0131t sunuyor.<\/p>\n Shalmaneser III taraf\u0131ndan Arzashkun’un s\u00fcr\u00fclmesi ve Tuspa’nin ba\u015fkent ilan edilmesi ile hanedanl\u0131kta \u00f6nemli bir de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fin olmu\u015f olabilece\u011fini birka\u00e7 y\u0131l \u00f6nce \u00f6ne s\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcm (9). Elimizde, Arzashkun veya Musasir’den kan\u0131t olabilecek materyal olsayd\u0131 bu \u015f\u00fcpheli bir soru\u015fturma olmaz ve s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 kalmazd\u0131. Yine de iki \u015fey \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclemez: Son kan\u0131tlarda belli olan, Sardursburg da denilen Madir-Burc’taki, Sarduri I taraf\u0131ndan Van Kalesi\u2019nin bat\u0131 ucunun ayaklar\u0131ndaki \u00e7iviyaz\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n ilk kez Urartu krall\u0131\u011f\u0131nda kullan\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131; di\u011feri de Musasir’deki krallar mezarl\u0131\u011f\u0131nda Haldi’nin ba\u015f\u0131 \u00e7ekiyor olmas\u0131d\u0131r. Dahas\u0131, bu \u015fehir Nemrut’taki Assurnasirpal II’nin (M.\u00d6. 879) ‘mezar ta\u015f\u0131 yaz\u0131t\u0131nda’ yer alacak denli \u00f6nemliydi (10).<\/p>\n Bu y\u00fczden, Urartu monar\u015fisinin merkez y\u00f6netim yeri olarak Tuspa’nin kurulmas\u0131ndan \u00f6nce merkezdi. Haldi’nin (Sargon II’den) Musasir’deki refakat\u00e7isi ve eski ismi \u0130ranl\u0131 \u00f6zellikler ta\u015f\u0131yan Bagbartu adl\u0131 bir tanr\u0131cayd\u0131. Halk\u0131n t\u00fcm\u00fcnde veya en az\u0131ndan Musasir’deki y\u00f6netim merkezinde \u0130ranl\u0131 etmeni olas\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor ve Hasanlu IV’un (11) yanm\u0131\u015f kalesinden elde edilen verilere de uyuyor. Belki de bu tur bir Indo-Aryan (Indo-European) \u00f6znesinin yerli Hurri halk\u0131na bask\u0131n \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131n\u0131n en iyi bilinen y\u00f6netim merkezi \u00f6rne\u011fi Mitanni’dir. Bir Urartu tap\u0131na\u011f\u0131n\u0131n giri\u015finde kaya \u00fczerine islenen (12), uzun Mehr kap\u0131s\u0131 yaz\u0131t\u0131n\u0131n filolojik \u00f6zelli\u011fi Musasir’le olan ba\u011flar\u0131na ihanet ediyor denilebilir (13). Her ikisi de Ardini\/Musasir’den bahseden ve sehirden pek uzak olmayan yerde bulunan, Kelishin (Ishpuini) ve Topzaua (Rusa I) uzun ve \u00e7ift dilli yaz\u0131tlar\u0131n\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 kesinlikle, Musasir’in Urartu uygarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n kurulma a\u015famalar\u0131ndaki belli belirsiz ama \u00f6nemli rol\u00fcne i\u015faret ediyor (14).<\/p>\n Her ne kadar kolay anla\u015f\u0131lmaz olsa da, Musasir’deki \u0130ranl\u0131 varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan Haldi’nin Urartu’daki rol\u00fcne ili\u015fkin herhangi bir belirti var m\u0131? \u0130lk bak\u0131\u015fta yok gibi. Yine de b\u00fcy\u00fck Hasanlu IVB kalesinin y\u0131k\u0131m\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda katledilen, aslan ba\u015fl\u0131 bronz ve demir \u00e7ubuklar\u0131 kavram\u0131\u015f gen\u00e7 kad\u0131n iskeletlerinin ke\u015ffi ile bir ka\u00e7 y\u0131l sonra Profes\u00f6r Kemal Balkan\u2019\u0131n, Aznavur (Patnos) yak\u0131nlar\u0131ndaki \u00f6nemli ama \u00e7ok az bilinen Urartu sitesi Giriktepe’de yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 kaz\u0131lardaki esrarengiz paralellik hat\u0131rlanmal\u0131d\u0131r (15). Aznavur gibi Giriktepe de Urartu hanedanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n hala en b\u00fcy\u00fck mimar ve m\u00fchendisi kabul edilebilecek Menua’nin (M.\u00d6. c. 810 – 786) h\u00fck\u00fcmdarl\u0131\u011f\u0131 zaman\u0131na denk d\u00fc\u015fer. Hasanlu IVB’nin yan\u0131\u015f\u0131 hakk\u0131nda yap\u0131lan \u00e7o\u011fu radyo-karbon tarihlemesi, sorumlunun Menua oldu\u011funu kesinle\u015ftirmi\u015ftir (16). Karag\u00fcnd\u00fcz mezar ta\u015f\u0131, babas\u0131 Ishpuini’nin zaten g\u00fcney-do\u011fuyu Parshua\/Barshua topraklar\u0131n\u0131n \u00fcst\u00fcne ya da en az\u0131ndan kar\u015f\u0131na s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc g\u00f6steriyor.<\/p>\n Co\u011frafik anlamda hangi y\u00f6nde olursa olsun -Louis Levine taraf\u0131ndan \u00f6nerilen tarihsel co\u011frafyan\u0131n geni\u015f a\u00e7\u0131da kabul veya reddine ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak (18)- Urartu denetiminin geni\u015flemesi \u0130ranl\u0131 Zagros’un alan\u0131na do\u011fru olmu\u015f. Ku\u015fku b\u0131rakmayacak \u015fekilde, bunun Urartu krall\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ilk geni\u015fleme ve i\u015fgallerinin genel do\u011frultusu oldu\u011fu g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor. Kuzeye ve bat\u0131ya do\u011fru geli\u015fmeler daha sonra. Van\u2019\u0131n yeni hanedanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck olas\u0131l\u0131kla \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f kayna\u011f\u0131 olan Musasir ile olan ba\u011flar, Urmia b\u00f6lgesi ve \u00f6tesindeki geni\u015flemeler aras\u0131ndaki birle\u015fmede k\u00f6pr\u00fc g\u00f6revi yapm\u0131\u015f olmal\u0131.<\/p>\n Shalmaneser III’un \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcnden sonra dahi Asur tehdidi, di\u011fer cephelere nazaran burada g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fcce surdu (19). Krall\u0131k g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc birle\u015ftirmek i\u00e7in bundan daha do\u011fal sebep var m\u0131? Bir olas\u0131l\u0131k ile de M.\u00d6. dokuzuncu y\u00fczy\u0131lda Barshua\/Parsua, Hasanlu’nun da i\u00e7inde yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 Solduz d\u00fczl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc i\u00e7eriyordu ki, i\u015fte bu noktada Urartu’nun ilk y\u00fckseli\u015fi ve geni\u015flemesinin arkas\u0131nda yer alan, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ama hayati etkisi olan \u0130ran \u00f6\u011fesi g\u00fcndeme geliyor. Bu \u00f6\u011fe zamanla, Urartu uygarl\u0131\u011f\u0131nda bask\u0131n bir \u015fekilde yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fclen yayg\u0131n ve eski Hurri geleneklerinin i\u00e7inde eriyip, yitip gitmi\u015fse de \u00f6nemli de\u011fil.<\/p>\n Bu \u0130ranl\u0131 varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 teorisi yaln\u0131zca, a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a sezilebilen bir Urartu mimarisinin sonraki devletlerinde zay\u0131f bir yank\u0131 bulur. Bu Persepolis yak\u0131nlar\u0131nda kraliyet defin yeri Achaemenid, Naks-i R\u00fcstem\u2019deki Kabar-i Zerdust’tur. (Cube of Zoroaster). Bu al\u0131\u015f\u0131lmad\u0131k yap\u0131, defin ama\u00e7l\u0131 \u00f6zelliklerine kar\u015f\u0131n, bir mezar yeri de\u011fil kesinlikle bir tap\u0131nak veya t\u00fcrbe olarak tan\u0131mlanabilir. Asl\u0131nda biraz da uzaktan Urartu tap\u0131nak-kulelerini \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131r (20).<\/p>\n Tanr\u0131 Haldi’nin birli\u011fi\/tekli\u011fi kesin g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor ve belki de devletin da\u011f\u0131n\u0131k karakterdeki yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 di\u011fer \u00f6\u011felerden daha \u00e7ok bir araya getiriyor. ‘Susi’ denilen tap\u0131nak tasar\u0131m\u0131 kan\u0131tland\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fczere Urartulularca, \u00f6zellikle de ilk s\u00fctun ayaklar\u0131nda, E- denilen yap\u0131lar\u0131n in\u015fas\u0131nda uygulan\u0131yordu. Bunlar Urartu krall\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ilk a\u015famalar\u0131nda Van\u2019\u0131n birka\u00e7 kilometre do\u011fusunda, \u00f6rne\u011fin k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck A\u015fa\u011f\u0131 Anzaf kalesi yak\u0131nlar\u0131nda g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyordu (21).<\/p>\n Urartu g\u00fcne\u015f tanr\u0131s\u0131 Shivini -daha olas\u0131 olan Tesheba de\u011fil de Adilcevaz’dan gelen b\u00fcy\u00fck r\u00f6lyeflerin konusunu olu\u015fturan- Haldi’yle birlikte, Mezopotamya yaz\u0131s\u0131 ve yapt\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n toptan kabul\u00fcne kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor ve tabii ki onun krallar mezarl\u0131\u011f\u0131nda \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fcl\u00fck konumunda oldu\u011fu Mehr Kap\u0131s\u0131\u2019ndan a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131yor (22).<\/p>\n Urartu yaz\u0131tlar\u0131ndaki yetersiz kaynaklardan, Haldi k\u00fclt\u00fcne ba\u011fl\u0131 olan ve rahiplerin ge\u00e7imini sa\u011flayan \u015fehirlerin, giderek artan kaynaklar\u0131n, topraklar\u0131n ve ele gecen yerlerin \u00fcrettikleri ile metal, canl\u0131 mal ve di\u011fer ganimetlerle hara\u00e7lar\u0131n keyfini s\u00fcrd\u00fckleri g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor.<\/p>\n E\u011fer bu tur bir model uygun bulunuyorsa, ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde M.\u00d6. sekizinci y\u00fczy\u0131ldaki bozulman\u0131n ard\u0131ndan, bu \u015fehirlerin vermi\u015f olduklar\u0131 destek y\u00fcz\u00fcnden d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015f s\u00fcrecine girdikleri de \u00f6ne s\u00fcr\u00fclebilir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc antik Yak\u0131n Do\u011fu\u2019da devletlerin hazinelerini artt\u0131rmalar\u0131n\u0131n yolu her zaman yabanc\u0131 devletlere askeri seferlerdi. Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan Urartu da farkl\u0131 de\u011fildi.<\/p>\n \u00c7e\u015fitli yasal ve ka\u00e7ak kaz\u0131larda bulunan sikkelerde resmedilmi\u015f olmas\u0131ndan anla\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131na g\u00f6re, Haldi ulusal kimli\u011fin sembol\u00fc oldu belki (23). Onu bir aslan\u0131n ard\u0131nda g\u00f6steren standart ikonografi tabii ki do\u011frudan Hurri i\u015fi. Van Kalesi\u2019ndeki Sarduri II’nin Anneli K\u0131z kesme ta\u015f bloklardan a\u00e7\u0131k hava tap\u0131na\u011f\u0131nda ona sunulan b\u00fcy\u00fck miktarlardaki kurbanlar, mecazi anlamda d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclmelidir, o denli \u00f6nemli miktardaki canl\u0131 mal harcanm\u0131\u015f olamaz. Haldi k\u00fclt\u00fc, krallar\u0131n askeri zaferleri i\u00e7in politik bir ama\u00e7 g\u00fcd\u00fcyordu; daha \u00e7ok toplanan vergilerin d\u00fczenlenmesi, ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olarak hazine g\u00f6revi g\u00f6ren yerel kalede saklanmas\u0131 gibi ekonomik bir i\u015flevi vard\u0131.<\/p>\n Sargon II Ulhu gibi bu tur merkezlerden \u00e7ok bahseder. M.\u00d6. 714’teki seferin ortaya \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131 pek \u00e7ok bilmeceden biri olan, Ulhu’nun nerede oldu\u011fu tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131na, burada k\u0131saca de\u011finerek yard\u0131mc\u0131 olamam (24). Her arkeolog, yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir kaz\u0131yla \u00f6nemli bir \u015fehri ortaya \u00e7\u0131karmaktan ho\u015flan\u0131r: Benim de deneme niteli\u011finde (yaln\u0131zca deneme) bir \u00f6nerim ile Ulhu Haftavan III’te aranabilir, zaman\u0131nda sivil bir y\u00f6netim merkezi olan Haftavan Tepesi Urmia g\u00f6l\u00fcn\u00fcn kuzey-bat\u0131s\u0131nda yer al\u0131yor. Yak\u0131n zaman \u00f6nce Oscar Muscarella, Ulhu’nun Ushnu d\u00fczl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc Urmia G\u00f6l\u00fc\u2019n\u00fcn g\u00fcney-bat\u0131s\u0131na dek kaplayan Urartu kalesi Qalatgah’ta oldu\u011fu \u00f6nerisini getirdi. Bu b\u00f6lgeyi kazmay\u0131 umuyordu.<\/p>\n Haldi k\u00fclt\u00fc ve kimli\u011fi Urartu krall\u0131\u011f\u0131 ile e\u015fanlaml\u0131ym\u0131\u015f\u00e7as\u0131na birlikte an\u0131l\u0131yor. Belki T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin i\u00e7inde ve \u00f6tesinde gelecekte yap\u0131lacak ke\u015fifler bunun niye b\u00f6yle oldu\u011funu daha a\u00e7\u0131k hale getirecektir.<\/p>\n <\/span>D\u0130PNOTLAR: Charles Burney Çeviri: İlker Fıçıcılar Anadolu prehistoryası alanındaki hünerli çalışmaları ve tabii ki uzun suredir yaptığı Acemhöyük’teki kazılarıyla tanıdığımız Profesör Nimet Özgüç’ün onuruna, benden de bir konuşma istenmesi benim için bir ayrıcalık. Profesör Nimet ve Tahsin Özgüç’ün birlikte yaptıkları son İngiltere turlarının bir bölümünde gerçekleştirdikleri Manchester ziyaretinde sırasıyla Acemhöyük ve Masathöyük hakkında verdikleri konuşma 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\nBu g\u00f6r\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc kadar sa\u00e7ma de\u011fil, hem Haldi sava\u015f gemileri ve kendi sava\u015f standartlar\u0131yla Urartu ordusunu sava\u015fa s\u00fcrmemi\u015f miydi ve bu Ashur’un bundaki rol\u00fcyle k\u0131yaslanamaz mi? Sargon II’nin tanr\u0131 Ashur’a sekizinci seferindeki olaylara dair unlu mektubunda Haldi icin g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi \u00f6zel nefret ve k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmsemeyi unutmamakta yarar var (3).<\/p>\n
\n1) <\/b>Nimet \u00d6zg\u00fc\u00e7: “The decorated bronze strip and plaques from Altintepe”, “Mansel’e Armagan II (1974)”ten. sayfa 874 ve sonrasi.
\n2) <\/b>F. W. Konig. “Handbuch der Chaldiscen Inschriften I-II” (Graz, 1955-57). = AFO Beiheft 8, 1.2.
\n3) <\/b>(a). D. D. Luckenbill: “Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia (LAR) II” (Chicago, 1927), s. 139-178. (b). F. Thureau-Dangin: “La Huitieme Campagne de Sargon” (Paris, 1912).
\n4) <\/b>F. Thureau-Dangin: “Les reliefs rupestres de Maltai” (Revue
\nd’Assyriologie XXI (1924), s. 187-197).
\n5) <\/b>Dr. A. R. Green, Asur ve Babil ikonografileri alan\u0131ndaki ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131 olduk\u00e7a a\u00e7\u0131k kan\u0131tlar sunuyor (ki\u015fisel konu\u015fmalardan).
\n6) <\/b>(a). G. A. Melikishvili: “Urartskiie Klinoobraznye Nadpisi (UKN)” (Moskova, 1960), no. 27. (b). Bagbartu, Haldi’nin Musasir’daki refakat\u00e7isi \/ esi, orada ikinci \u00f6neme sahip olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclmeli. (LAR II, s. 173-176)
\n7) <\/b>C. A. Burney ve G. R. J. Jawson: “Urartian reliefs at Adilcevaz on Lake Van…” (A. S. VIII (1958), s. 211 ve devami)
\n8) <\/b>Emin Bilgic ve Baki Ogun: “Excavations at Kef Kalesi of Adilcevaz” (Anotolia 8 (1964\/66), s. 93-124 ve 9 (1965\/67), s. 11 ve devami)
\n9) <\/b>(a). LAR I, s. 605. (b). yazar taraf\u0131ndan tamamen kabul edilen bir yoruma g\u00f6re, H. F. Russell: “Shalmaneser’s campaign to Urartu in 856 B.C. and the historical geography of eastern Anatolia according to the Assyrian sources” (A. S. XXXIV (1984), s. 171-201)
\n10)<\/b> D. J. Wiseman: “A new stele of Assurnasirpal II” (Iraq XIV (1952), s. 24-34)
\n11)<\/b> P.E. Pecorella ve M. Salvini: Tra lo Zagros e l’Urmia – Richerche Storiche ed Archeologiche nell Azerbaigian Iraniano (Rome, 1984), s. 9-51
\n12)<\/b> V. Sevin ve T. Tarhan: “The relations between Urartian temple gates and monumental rock niches” (Belleten XXXIX (1975), s. 389 ve devami)
\n13) <\/b>Marjo Salvini: Van’daki Ucuncu Anadolu Demir Cagi Sempozyumuna (Agustos 1990) yollanan makalesi.
\n14)<\/b> (a) W. C. Benedict: “The Urartian-Assyrian inscription of Kelishin” (J.A.O.S. LXXXI (1961), s. 359-85). (b) for the Topzaua inscription, Tra lo Zagros e l’Urmia, s. 79-86
\n15) <\/b>K. Balkan: Atat\u00fcrk Konferanslar\u0131 I (1964), s. 239 ve devam\u0131.
\n16) <\/b>R. H. Dyson ve O. W. Muscarella: “constructing the chronology and historical implications of Hasanlu” (Iran XXVII (1989), s. 1-28)
\n17) <\/b>Tra lo zagros e l’Urmia, s. 57-62
\n18) <\/b>Louis D. Levine: “Geographical studies in the Neo-Assyrian Zagros” (Iran XI (1973), s. 1-27 ve XII (1974), s. 99-124)
\n19)<\/b> LAR I, s. 717-722 (Shamshi-Adad V)
\n20) <\/b>D. B. Stronach: “Urartian and Achaemenian tower temples” (J.N.E.S. XXVI) (1967) s. 278-88).
\n21)<\/b> (a) C. A. Burney ve G. R. J. Lawson, A. S. VII (1957), s. 40, 45. (b) Paul E. Zimansky: “Ecology and Empire — The Structure of the Urartian State” (Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization no:41) (Chicago, 1985) s. 70-75
\n22) <\/b>Veli Sevin: “Urartu Krall\u0131\u011f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n Tarihsel ve K\u00fclt\u00fcrel Geli\u015fimi”, Ph. D. Thesis (Istanbul, 1979).
\n23) <\/b>\u00d6zellikle Giyimli’den belki. (a) Afif Erzen: “Giyimli bronz definesi ve Giyimli kazisi” (Belleten XXXVIII (1974) s. 191-213) (b) O. A. Tasyurek: “the Urartian bronze hoard from Giyimli” (Expedition 19\/4 (1977),
\ns. 12-20)
\n24) <\/b>(a) Ulhu’ya dair kaynak icin: Lar II, s. 160-161. (b) Sargon II’nin sekizinci seferinin co\u011frafyas\u0131 san\u0131lan\u0131n aksine kapanm\u0131\u015f bir konu de\u011fil, yeni bulgular\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131n kesin bir sonuca varmak hi\u00e7bir zaman m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olmayacak. Son yorumlardan biri i\u00e7in: Paul E. Zimansky: “Urartian geography and Sargon’s eighth campaign” (J.N.E.S. XLIX (1990), s. 1-21)
\n25) <\/b>O. W. Muscarella: “The location of Ulhu and Uise in Sargon II’s eighth campain” (Journal of Field Archaelogy 13 (1986) s. 465-75)<\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"