{"id":12233,"date":"2019-03-30T09:45:19","date_gmt":"2019-03-30T14:45:19","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/circassiancenter.com\/tr\/?p=12233"},"modified":"2019-03-30T09:45:19","modified_gmt":"2019-03-30T14:45:19","slug":"turk-rus-iliskilerinde-mahrem-alan","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.circassiancenter.com\/tr\/turk-rus-iliskilerinde-mahrem-alan\/","title":{"rendered":"T\u00dcRK-RUS \u0130L\u0130\u015eK\u0130LER\u0130NDE MAHREM ALAN"},"content":{"rendered":"

<\/p>\n

Fehim Ta\u015ftekin<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

T\u00fcrk-Rus ili\u015fkilerinin b\u00f6lgesel rekabete paralel olarak ikili i\u015fbirli\u011fi anla\u015fmalar\u0131yla kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u2018stratejik derinlik\u2019, son zamanlarda Moskova-Ankara hatt\u0131nda i\u015fleyen s\u00fcrecin en temel karakteri. \u0130ki \u00fclke, 1984\u2019te do\u011falgazla ba\u015flay\u0131p bug\u00fcn n\u00fckleer i\u015fbirli\u011fine varan anla\u015fmalarla k\u0131ymet bilir kom\u015fulara d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmeye ba\u015flad\u0131. Rusya Devlet Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Dmitri Medvedev\u2019in ard\u0131ndan bu hafta ba\u015f\u0131 Ba\u015fbakan Vladimir Putin\u2019in ziyaretinde i\u015fbirli\u011fine yeni ilmekler at\u0131ld\u0131. Ancak gerek \u2018stratejik ba\u011f\u2019 gerekse \u015fekillenmekte olan \u2018kom\u015fuluk hukuku\u2019, k\u00fcresel ve b\u00f6lgesel meselelerde ortak sinerjiye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclebilmi\u015f de\u011fil. \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n geleneksel hamisi olmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen Rusya, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin Brezilya ile Tahran\u2019a kabul ettirdi\u011fi n\u00fckleer takas anla\u015fmas\u0131nda ba\u015f\u0131ndan beri ikircikli. Elbette Rusya kolay yedeklenebilir bir g\u00fc\u00e7 de\u011fil ve k\u00fcresel g\u00fc\u00e7 olarak kendi tercihlerini belirleyen ba\u015fka fakt\u00f6rler var ama madem T\u00fcrkiye ile ortakl\u0131\u011f\u0131n ad\u0131 \u2018stratejik\u2019, o halde iki kom\u015fu birbirini daha fazla kollayabilmeli.<\/p>\n

Karaba\u011f gibi \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma alanlar\u0131 bir yana K\u0131br\u0131s veya Gazze\u2019de, genel anlamda Ortado\u011fu\u2019da i\u015fbirli\u011fi eksikli\u011fi g\u00f6ze \u00e7arp\u0131yor. Hele Putin\u2019in, \u0130srail\u2019in a\u00e7\u0131k denizlerde \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Filosu\u2019nu kana bulayan ter\u00f6r ve korsanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda Ankara\u2019ya \u201cSava\u015f \u00e7\u0131karmay\u0131n da ne yaparsan\u0131z yap\u0131n\u201d tarz\u0131ndaki tavr\u0131, kom\u015fulu\u011fun hen\u00fcz kara g\u00fcn dostlu\u011fundan uzak oldu\u011funu g\u00f6steriyor. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin dinamik d\u0131\u015f politik g\u00fcndemine Rus deste\u011fini almak i\u00e7in \u00f6zel bir \u00e7aba gerekti\u011fi a\u00e7\u0131k. Ve ili\u015fkilerde rekabetten f\u0131rsata d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclemeyen ba\u015fka bir alan daha var: Kafkasya. Tarihte Kafkasya\u2019y\u0131 neredeyse her anla\u015fman\u0131n merkezine alm\u0131\u015f iki \u00fclke, ikili ili\u015fkilerde bu b\u00f6lgeye \u2018mahrem alan\u2019 muamelesi yap\u0131yor.<\/p>\n

Ankara\u2019n\u0131n Trans-Kafkasya\u2019daki pozisyonu malum: T\u00fcrkiye, Karaba\u011f y\u00fcz\u00fcnden Ermenistan\u2019\u0131n koruyucu mele\u011fi Rusya ile kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya gelirken, G\u00fcrcistan\u2019da \u2018yeni so\u011fuk sava\u015f\u2019 g\u00fcndeminin takip\u00e7isi. Bu bapta \u00fczerinde durdu\u011fum as\u0131l b\u00f6lge Kuzey Kafkasya.<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin kendi kaderlerini tayin kararl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n bedelini a\u011f\u0131r \u00f6deyen \u00c7e\u00e7enlere 1994-1996 sava\u015f\u0131nda sundu\u011fu deste\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k Rusya, PKK kart\u0131yla yan\u0131t verdi. Ama Mavi Ak\u0131m\u2019la birlikte T\u00fcrkiye, Rusya Federasyonu i\u00e7erisinde kalan Kuzey Kafkasya\u2019ya ilgisini yitirdi. Geleneksel n\u00fcfuz alan\u0131 bir anda Rusya\u2019n\u0131n mahrem b\u00f6lgesi oluverdi. Ancak burada bir potansiyel var ki, ak\u0131ll\u0131 politikalarla rekabetten f\u0131rsata d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclebilir. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de say\u0131lar\u0131 3 milyonu a\u015fan \u00c7erkes n\u00fcfusu T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin Rusya ile ili\u015fkilerinde kullanmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir fakt\u00f6r. Tersinden bak\u0131l\u0131nca ayn\u0131 n\u00fcfus Rusya i\u00e7in de diasporik bir g\u00fc\u00e7. Ama Rusya, Kafkas diasporas\u0131n\u0131 hen\u00fcz \u2018Rusya diasporas\u0131\u2019 olarak \u00e7er\u00e7eveleyebilmi\u015f de\u011fil. Ku\u015fkusuz Rusya\u2019n\u0131n ayaklar\u0131na dolanan trajik tarih ve \u00c7erkesler i\u00e7in irite edici olmas\u0131 b\u00f6yle bir konu\u015fland\u0131rmaya engel. Muhtemel ki Rusya, Kafkas diasporas\u0131n\u0131 h\u00e2l\u00e2 ve Kafkasya\u2019n\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 tetikleyen g\u00fcvensizlik unsuru say\u0131yor. Ama Nuri Pa\u015fa\u2019yla Kafkas \u0130slam Ordusu\u2019nun Kafkasya\u2019ya s\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc g\u00fcnler geride kald\u0131. Rusya\u2019n\u0131n s\u0131cak denizlere a\u00e7\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6nlemek i\u00e7in Kafkasya\u2019y\u0131 bariyer g\u00f6ren konsept zeminini yitireli \u00e7ok oldu. Ayr\u0131ca T\u00fcrkiye Kafkasya\u2019n\u0131n kendi kaderini tayin arg\u00fcman\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7oktan terk etti. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye bel ba\u011flayarak ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z Kafkasya\u2019y\u0131 kurmay\u0131 uman kimse de kalmad\u0131. Ve SSCB\u2019nin da\u011f\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan Kafkasya\u2019n\u0131n diaspora istilas\u0131na u\u011frayaca\u011f\u0131 korkusu da kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131ks\u0131z \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. Kap\u0131lar a\u00e7\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan beri anavatanlar\u0131na d\u00f6nenlerle bir k\u00f6y bile kurulmaz…<\/p>\n

Hal b\u00f6yle olunca Rusya\u2019n\u0131n Kafkasya ve diasporaya yeni bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131na ihtiyac\u0131 var. Tabi T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin de… Ruslar\u0131n \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma unsuru olarak alg\u0131lad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu potansiyel, i\u015fbirli\u011fi ve diyalog zeminine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclebilir. Rusya, diasporadaki \u00c7erkeslere \u00e7ifte pasaport hakk\u0131 tan\u0131sa, oturma izni i\u00e7in burunlar\u0131ndan fitil fitil getirmese, pasaport i\u00e7in be\u015f y\u0131l Rusya\u2019da kalma ve Rus\u00e7a bilme zorunlulu\u011funu ko\u015fmasa ne kaybeder? Moskova\u2019da Arap diplomatlar \u00fczerinden Kafkasya\u2019ya yat\u0131r\u0131mc\u0131 \u00e7ekmek i\u00e7in ter d\u00f6kerken, kendi vatan\u0131na yat\u0131r\u0131m yapabilecek, elini ta\u015f\u0131n alt\u0131na koyabilecek insanlara engel \u00e7\u0131karman\u0131n ne anlam\u0131 var? Kafkasya\u2019n\u0131n istikrar\u0131na katk\u0131 sa\u011flayacak yap\u0131c\u0131 unsurlara, T\u00fcrk-Rus ili\u015fkiler a\u011f\u0131nda yer a\u00e7man\u0131n zaman\u0131 geldi. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin tarihsel ba\u011flara s\u0131\u011f\u0131narak Balkanlarda y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u2018uzla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131c\u0131\u2019 \u00e7abalar\u0131na Kuzey Kafkasya\u2019y\u0131 da katabilir. \u0130stikrardan hem Rusya hem T\u00fcrkiye hem de b\u00f6lge halklar\u0131 karl\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kar. Yeter ki Kafkasya iki g\u00fc\u00e7 aras\u0131nda n\u00fcfuz sava\u015flar\u0131na mahk\u00fbm edilmesin! Yeter ki kar\u015f\u0131m\u0131zda T\u00fcrkiye\u2019den toprak talep eden Stalin\u2019in Rusya\u2019s\u0131 de\u011fil, Bat\u0131l\u0131 i\u015fgal g\u00fc\u00e7lerine kar\u015f\u0131 Anadolu\u2019ya silah ve para g\u00f6nderen Lenin\u2019in Rusya\u2019s\u0131 olsun…<\/p>\n

Ansiklopedi \u00fczerinden \u00c7e\u00e7en-Rus sava\u015f\u0131
\n<\/b>
\nRusya, son y\u0131llarda \u2018Vahhabi\u2019 diye etiketledi\u011fi direni\u015f hareketleriyle sava\u015f\u0131rken \u2018a\u015f\u0131r\u0131l\u0131k\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k\u2019 diye ceza hukukunda bir su\u00e7 kavram\u0131 geli\u015ftirdi. A\u015f\u0131r\u0131l\u0131k\u00e7\u0131 damgas\u0131 ter\u00f6ristle e\u015fde\u011fer. Birileri bu damgay\u0131 yemeye g\u00f6rs\u00fcn, sadece kendisi de\u011fil ailesinin de hayat\u0131 karart\u0131l\u0131yor. Adalet Bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n da kalabal\u0131k bir a\u015f\u0131r\u0131l\u0131k\u00e7\u0131 yay\u0131nlar listesi var. Yak\u0131c\u0131 bir liste… Direni\u015f\u00e7ilere kar\u015f\u0131 kullan\u0131lan bu silah bu kez \u00c7e\u00e7enlerin eline ge\u00e7ti. Rus yanl\u0131s\u0131 y\u00f6netimin denetimindeki \u00c7e\u00e7enya mahkemesi, Moskova merkezli Terra yay\u0131nevinin bast\u0131\u011f\u0131 62 ciltlik B\u00fcy\u00fck Rus Ansiklopedisi\u2019nin 58. cildindeki \u00c7e\u00e7enya maddesini \u2018a\u015f\u0131r\u0131l\u0131k\u00e7\u0131\u2019 bulup toplat\u0131lmas\u0131na h\u00fckmetti. \u00dcstelik karar sadece \u00c7e\u00e7enya de\u011fil t\u00fcm Rusya\u2019y\u0131 ba\u011fl\u0131yor. E\u011fer do\u011fruysa \u00c7e\u00e7enya ad\u0131na davay\u0131 a\u00e7an avukat Murad Musayev\u2019e g\u00f6re Moskova\u2019da k\u00fct\u00fcphane ve devlet kurumlar\u0131ndan 58. cilt tamamen toplat\u0131ld\u0131, kitap\u00e7\u0131larda sat\u0131\u015f durduruldu.<\/p>\n

\u00c7e\u00e7enya maddesinde \u00c7e\u00e7enler \u015fiddet e\u011filimli, s\u0131kl\u0131kla kom\u015fulara bask\u0131n yapan, Nazi i\u015fbirlik\u00e7isi diye resmediliyor. \u00c7e\u00e7enlerin 2. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda Alman askerlerini sevin\u00e7le kar\u015f\u0131lad\u0131klar\u0131 ve Hitler\u2019e hediye olarak alt\u0131n e\u011ferli beyaz at haz\u0131rlad\u0131klar\u0131, 1994-1996 sava\u015f\u0131nda Rus n\u00fcfusa y\u00f6nelik etnik temizlik yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi kaba yalanlar da \u00c7e\u00e7enya maddesinin incileri aras\u0131nda.<\/p>\n

\u00c7erkesya sanc\u0131s\u0131
\n<\/b>
\nUzun s\u00fcredir Kara\u00e7ay-\u00c7erkes\u2019in \u00c7erkesleri (Ad\u0131geler) rahats\u0131z. N\u00fcfusun y\u00fczde 38\u2019ini olu\u015fturan Kara\u00e7ayl\u0131lar\u0131n orant\u0131s\u0131z kamu g\u00fcc\u00fcne sahip olmalar\u0131ndan yak\u0131n\u0131yorlar. \u0130ktidar payla\u015f\u0131m\u0131ndaki dengesizlik etraf\u0131nda geli\u015fen huzursuzluk o kadar b\u00fcy\u00fcd\u00fc ki, i\u015f sonunda \u00c7erkeslerin ayr\u0131 \u00f6zerk b\u00f6lge kurma talebine vard\u0131.<\/p>\n

5 Haziran\u2019da \u00c7erkesler Kara\u00e7ay-\u00c7erkes\u2019in ba\u015fkenti \u00c7erkesk\u2019te halk kongresi yapt\u0131. Rusya Federasyonu\u2019ndaki \u00fc\u00e7 cumhuriyet Ad\u0131gey, Kabardey-Balkar ve Kara\u00e7ay-\u00c7erkes\u2019in yan\u0131 s\u0131ra Abhazya ve \u00c7erkes varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n bulundu\u011fu di\u011fer b\u00f6lgelerden 800 civar\u0131nda temsilci kat\u0131ld\u0131. Uzun tart\u0131\u015fmalar sonunda tarihi topraklarda \u00c7erkesya\u2019n\u0131n kurulmas\u0131 talebi deklare edildi. Muhatap Moskova. Ancak Rusya Federasyonu\u2019nu olu\u015fturan b\u00f6lgeleri birle\u015ftirip \u00f6zerk birimlerin say\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrme yolunu tutturmu\u015f Moskova\u2019n\u0131n bu talebe bo\u011fun e\u011fmesi g\u00fc\u00e7. Nitekim Duma\u2019n\u0131n Yasama Komitesi Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Paval Kra\u015feninnikov, merkezile\u015fme bir trend iken \u00c7erkesya\u2019n\u0131n tesisine \u00e7ok k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck \u015fans tan\u0131d\u0131. \u00dcstelik bunun sadece referandumla m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olabilece\u011fini kaydetti.<\/p>\n

Kara\u00e7ay-\u00c7erkes\u2019deki sivil hareket Ad\u0131ge Khase\u2019nin ba\u015fkan\u0131 Muhammed \u00c7erkesov ise referanduma gerek olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131, tepeden al\u0131nacak kararla \u00c7erkesya\u2019n\u0131n kurulabilece\u011fi g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnde. \u0130\u015f referanduma kal\u0131rsa mesele karma\u015f\u0131kla\u015fabilir. Ger\u00e7i \u00fclkenin ikinci b\u00fcy\u00fck etnik g\u00fcc\u00fc Ruslar da Kara\u00e7ayl\u0131lar\u0131n kendilerini y\u00f6netimden sildi\u011fini belirtip \u00c7erkeslerle saf tutmu\u015f g\u00f6z\u00fck\u00fcyor. Rus sivil hareketinin lideri Nikolay Hohla\u00e7ev, \u00c7erkeslerin kongresinde \u015fu s\u00f6zleri serf etti: \u201c\u00dclkede problemleri birlikte \u00e7\u00f6zmeliyiz. Devlet ba\u015fkan, ba\u015fbakan, parlamento ba\u015fkan\u0131 tek bir milletin de\u011fil t\u00fcm \u00fclke halk\u0131n\u0131n temsilcisi olmal\u0131. Onlar\u0131n t\u00fcm halk\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 savunmalar\u0131 gerekiyor.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u00c7erkesler bu noktaya nas\u0131l geldi? Her \u015fey Kara\u00e7ay as\u0131ll\u0131 Devlet Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Boris Ebzeyev\u2019in Rum as\u0131ll\u0131 Vladimir Kay\u015fev\u2019i ba\u015fbakan yaparak ba\u015fbakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u00c7erkeslerden olaca\u011f\u0131na dair team\u00fcl\u00fc bozmas\u0131yla ba\u015flad\u0131. Buna kar\u015f\u0131 sesini y\u00fckseltenlerden \u00c7erkes gen\u00e7lik hareketi Aslan Jukov \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc.<\/p>\n

Kremlin\u2019in etnik gerilimi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrmek i\u00e7in tekrar ba\u015fbakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u00c7erkeslere verilmesi emrine uygun olarak Ebzeyev\u2019in ba\u015fbakan aday\u0131 olarak ad\u0131 ge\u00e7en Fral \u015eebzukov 12 May\u0131s\u2019ta suikasta kurban gitti. Nihayetinde 3 Haziran\u2019da Ba\u015fbakan Yard\u0131mc\u0131s\u0131 Muradin Kemov ba\u015fbakan se\u00e7ilerek k\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcld\u00fc ama bu \u00c7erkesya restini engelleyemeye yetmedi.<\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Fehim Taştekin Türk-Rus ilişkilerinin bölgesel rekabete paralel olarak ikili işbirliği anlaşmalarıyla kazandığı ‘stratejik derinlik’, son zamanlarda Moskova-Ankara hattında işleyen sürecin en temel karakteri. İki ülke, 1984’te doğalgazla başlayıp bugün nükleer işbirliğine varan anlaşmalarla kıymet bilir komşulara dönüşmeye başladı. Rusya Devlet Başkanı Dmitri Medvedev’in ardından bu hafta başı Başbakan Vladimir Putin’in ziyaretinde işbirliğine yeni ilmekler atıldı. 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