{"id":12367,"date":"2019-03-30T19:27:42","date_gmt":"2019-03-31T00:27:42","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/circassiancenter.com\/tr\/?p=12367"},"modified":"2019-03-30T19:27:42","modified_gmt":"2019-03-31T00:27:42","slug":"turkiyenin-yeni-dunyasi-turkiye-ve-musluman-ortadogu","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.circassiancenter.com\/tr\/turkiyenin-yeni-dunyasi-turkiye-ve-musluman-ortadogu\/","title":{"rendered":"T\u00dcRK\u0130YE\u2019N\u0130N YEN\u0130 D\u00dcNYASI – T\u00dcRK\u0130YE VE M\u00dcSL\u00dcMAN ORTADO\u011eU"},"content":{"rendered":"

<\/p>\n

Kemal Kiri\u015f\u00e7i<\/strong><\/p>\n

So\u011fuk Sava\u015f s\u0131ras\u0131nda, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin d\u0131\u015f ve g\u00fcvenlik politikalar\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde Avrupa\u2019daki geli\u015fmelerin ve iki blok aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkilerin bir fonksiyonu niteli\u011findeydi. Fakat So\u011fuk Sava\u015f\u2019\u0131n sona ermesinden bu yana, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin ulusal \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131, Balkanlar\u2019dan Karadeniz\u2019e, Kafkasya\u2019ya ve Orta Asya\u2019ya kadar \u00e7evresindeki t\u00fcm b\u00f6lgelerde g\u00fcvenlik ve istikrarla \u00e7ok yak\u0131ndan ili\u015fkili hale gelmi\u015ftir. T\u00fcrkiye ayn\u0131 zamanda bir Ortado\u011fu \u00fclkesi oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in, g\u00fcvenli\u011fi, istikrar\u0131 ve refah\u0131 bu b\u00f6lgedeki geli\u015fmelere s\u0131k\u0131 s\u0131k\u0131ya ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r. Bu \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131m, 1990-91 K\u00f6rfez krizi ve sava\u015f\u0131ndan beri \u00f6zellikle ge\u00e7erlidir. Arap-\u0130srail bar\u0131\u015f s\u00fcreci de b\u00f6lgesel i\u015fbirli\u011fine y\u00f6nelik olanaklar ortaya \u00e7\u0131karm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

So\u011fuk Sava\u015f\u2019tan Sonra De\u011fi\u015fim Bask\u0131s\u0131
\n<\/b>
\n1950\u2019lerde T\u00fcrkiye, Sovyet etkisinin Ortado\u011fu\u2019ya yay\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6nlemek i\u00e7in etkin bir rol \u00fcstlendi. Bat\u0131 yanl\u0131s\u0131 Ba\u011fdat Pakt\u0131\u2019n\u0131n ve CENTO\u2019nun kurulmas\u0131na yard\u0131mc\u0131 oldu. Bu etkin politika, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi Bat\u0131n\u0131n bir ajan\u0131 gibi g\u00f6ren Sovyet yanl\u0131s\u0131 Pan-Arabist ve Baas\u00e7\u0131 rejimlerin tepkisini \u00e7ekti. 1958 Temmuzunda, Irak\u2019ta Kraliyet rejiminin devrilmesi ve yerine General Abd\u00fclkerim Kas\u0131m\u2019\u0131n radikal Pan-Arap rejiminin ge\u00e7mesi, bir sonraki y\u0131l Ba\u011fdat Pakt\u0131\u2019n\u0131n da\u011f\u0131lmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7t\u0131. Ortado\u011fu\u2019daki bu k\u0131sa s\u00fcreli T\u00fcrk etkinli\u011fi, tek parti y\u00f6netiminden parlamenter demokrasiye ge\u00e7i\u015fin ya\u015fand\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir siyasi d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm ve ekonomik liberalizasyon d\u00f6nemiyle \u00e7ak\u0131\u015fmaktad\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin bu d\u00f6nemdeki Ortado\u011fu politikas\u0131, k\u0131smen bu d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcme k\u0131smen de yeni T\u00fcrk siyasi elitinin b\u00f6lgedeki Sovyet tehdidine kar\u015f\u0131 harekete ge\u00e7erek, Bat\u0131l\u0131lar\u0131n g\u00fcvenini kazanma \u00e7abalar\u0131na ba\u011flanabilir. Sonralar\u0131, T\u00fcrk d\u0131\u015f politikas\u0131na, b\u00f6lge politikalar\u0131na bula\u015fmama ve m\u00fcdahale etmeme ilkeleri hakim olmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n

1970\u2019lerin ba\u015flar\u0131na kadar, T\u00fcrkiye, Arap \u00fclkeleri ve \u0130srail\u2019le dengeli ili\u015fkiler y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc. 1967 Arap-\u0130srail sava\u015f\u0131, K\u0131br\u0131s sorunu nedeniyle b\u00fcy\u00fcyen yaln\u0131zl\u0131k duygusu ve \u0130slam \u00fclkelerinin deste\u011fini elde etme arzusu \u2013\u0130slamc\u0131 Milli
\nSelamet Partisi\u2019nin y\u00fckseli\u015fini de unutmamak gerek- gitgide Arap \u00fclkeleriyle daha yak\u0131n ili\u015fkiler kurulmas\u0131 ve Filistin davas\u0131nda Arap \u00fclkelerinin daha \u00e7ok desteklenemesi y\u00f6n\u00fcnde bir de\u011fi\u015fime yol a\u00e7t\u0131.41973\u2019te petrol fiyatlar\u0131n\u0131n f\u0131rlamas\u0131 sonucu T\u00fcrk ekonomisinin i\u00e7ine d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fc kriz, petrol zengini Arap \u00fclkeleriyle ticari ili\u015fkilerin geli\u015ftirilmesi gibi ba\u015fka bask\u0131lara yol a\u00e7t\u0131. 1977\u2019de \u0130srail\u2019de Likud Partisi\u2019nin iktidara gelmesi ve bu partinin L\u00fcbnan ile di\u011fer i\u015fgal edilmi\u015f topraklarda izledi\u011fi sert politikalar, \u0130srail\u2019le diplomatik ili\u015fkilerin seviyesinin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fclmesine neden oldu. T\u00fcrkiye, Filistin Kurtulu\u015f \u00d6rg\u00fct\u00fc\u2019yle (FK\u00d6), bu \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn Ermenilerle ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de faaliyet g\u00f6steren solcu ter\u00f6rist \u00f6rg\u00fctlerle olan s\u0131k\u0131f\u0131k\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131na ra\u011fmen, daha yak\u0131n ili\u015fkiler kurdu.<\/p>\n

1980\u2019ler daha \u00f6nemli geli\u015fmelere sahne oldu. Ba\u015fbakan ve Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 olarak \u00d6zal, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin Ortado\u011fu\u2019yla ili\u015fkilerinde daha etkin ve enternasyonalist bir d\u0131\u015f politika yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 geli\u015ftirmesinde \u00f6nemli bir iz b\u0131rakt\u0131.5\u00d6zal, muhafazakar K\u00f6rfez \u00fclkelerinin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, Libya, \u0130ran ve Irak gibi radikal \u00fclkelerle de ili\u015fkileri g\u00fc\u00e7lendirdi. T\u00fcrk giri\u015fimcilerin
\nOrtado\u011fu\u2019daki \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131n seferber edilmesinde \u00f6nemli bir rol oynamakla kalmad\u0131 Arap sermayesini de T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye \u00e7ekti. Bu d\u00f6nemde, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin Ortado\u011fu\u2019yla ili\u015fkileri belirgn bir bi\u00e7imde artt\u0131.6 G\u00fcneydo\u011fu Anadolu Projesi (GAP) kapsam\u0131ndaki barajlar\u0131n say\u0131s\u0131 artt\u0131k\u00e7a, \u00d6zal, \u015eam\u2019\u0131n endi\u015felerini F\u0131rat\u2019tan saniyede en az 500 metrek\u00fcp su b\u0131rak\u0131laca\u011f\u0131n\u0131n s\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc vererek gidermeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n

1986 y\u0131l\u0131nda \u00d6zal T\u00fcrkiye\u2019den Ortado\u011fu\u2019ya su g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fclmesini i\u00e7eren bir \u201cbar\u0131\u015f suyu\u201d projesi ortaya att\u0131. \u00d6zal\u2019\u0131n b\u00f6lgecilik politikas\u0131, 1990\u2019daki k\u00f6rfez krizi s\u0131ras\u0131nda T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi Irak kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 kampanyaya dahil etti\u011finde zirve noktas\u0131na ula\u015ft\u0131. \u00d6zal, kendisine geni\u015f sava\u015f yetkileri verilmesi konusunda parlamentonun muhalefetiyle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fsa da nihayetinde Irak\u2019a kar\u015f\u0131 uygulamaya konulan BM yapt\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131na destek sa\u011flamay\u0131 ba\u015fararak T\u00fcrk askeri tesislerinin Irak kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 koalisyon taraf\u0131ndan kullan\u0131lmas\u0131 i\u00e7in gerekli izni kopard\u0131.<\/p>\n

\u00d6zal\u2019\u0131n politikas\u0131, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de sert ele\u015ftiri ve muhalefete yol a\u00e7arak genel
\nkurmay ba\u015fkan\u0131, d\u0131\u015fi\u015fleri ve savunma bakanlar\u0131n\u0131n istifas\u0131yla sonu\u00e7land\u0131. Fakat \u00d6zal bunlar\u0131n hi\u00e7birinden etkilenmemi\u015f g\u00f6z\u00fckt\u00fc. Mart 1991\u2019de, yerle\u015fmi\u015f politikadan esasl\u0131 bir bi\u00e7imde saparak, Saddam H\u00fcseyin\u2019e kar\u015f\u0131 isyan hareketi ba\u015flatm\u0131\u015f olan Kuzey Irakl\u0131 K\u00fcrt liderlerle diyalog kurdu. Sava\u015f sonras\u0131nda Saddam H\u00fcseyin\u2019in gazab\u0131ndan korkarak T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye ka\u00e7an yar\u0131m milyona yak\u0131n K\u00fcrt m\u00fcltecinin yeniden yurtlar\u0131na d\u00f6nmesini sa\u011flamak \u00fczere Kuzey Irak\u2019ta g\u00fcvenli bir b\u00f6lge olu\u015fturulmas\u0131 ve \u00c7eki\u00e7 G\u00fc\u00e7 kurulmas\u0131 i\u00e7in Bat\u0131l\u0131 m\u00fcttefiklerin ikna edilmesinde \u00f6nemli bir rol oynad\u0131.<\/p>\n

Sonralar\u0131, \u00d6zal\u2019\u0131n cesur politikas\u0131n\u0131n pek karl\u0131 olmayaca\u011f\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131.
\n\u201cBar\u0131\u015f suyu\u201d projesi b\u00f6lgedeki g\u00fcvensizlik ve Araplar\u0131n T\u00fcrk suyuna ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131
\nolma korkular\u0131 nedeniyle ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilemedi.8T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin, Irak\u2019\u0131n Kuveyt\u2019ten \u00e7\u0131kart\u0131lmas\u0131nda oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131 rol, Arap d\u00fcnyas\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan \u00d6zal\u2019\u0131n bekledi\u011fi gibi de\u011ferlendirilmedi ve Arap-\u0130srail bar\u0131\u015f s\u00fcrecinde T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin yer almas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flayamad\u0131. D\u0131\u015f politikadaki bu artan aktivizmin \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fclemeyen \u00f6nemli bir sonucu da Arap ba\u015fkentlerinde b\u00f6lgedeki T\u00fcrk etkinli\u011finin yeniden canlanaca\u011f\u0131 endi\u015fesini artt\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Sovyetler Birli\u011fi\u2019nin \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fc ve sonras\u0131ndaki geli\u015fmeler T\u00fcrk d\u0131\u015f politikas\u0131n\u0131n dikkatini ba\u015fka tarafa \u00e7evirdi 1993\u2019te \u00d6zal\u2019\u0131n \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcyle, Ortado\u011fu politikas\u0131, eski ihtiyatl\u0131 ve tutucu niteli\u011fine b\u00fcr\u00fcnd\u00fc. T\u00fcrk d\u0131\u015fi\u015fleri bakan\u0131 Hikmet \u00c7etin, Temmuz 1993\u2019te, \u0130srail\u2019e d\u00fczenleyece\u011fi bir ziyaretin arifesinde bu \u00fclkenin g\u00fcney L\u00fcbnan\u2019a sald\u0131r\u0131 ba\u015flatmas\u0131 \u00fczerine bu ziyareti iptal etti. Oslo\u2019daki gizli m\u00fczakereler arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla Arap-\u0130srail cephesinde ula\u015f\u0131lan \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 geli\u015fme d\u00fcnyaya duyurulmas\u0131n\u0131n sadece birka\u00e7 hafta \u00f6ncesinde, T\u00fcrk d\u0131\u015f politikas\u0131 yine Arap d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131n tepkisini \u00e7ekme korkusunun tutsa\u011f\u0131 olmu\u015ftur.
\nFakat, So\u011fuk Sava\u015f sonras\u0131nda Ortado\u011fu\u2019da ya\u015fanan de\u011fi\u015fiklikler T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi ve ulusal \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 derinden etkilemektedir. Yeni Ortado\u011fu, karma\u015f\u0131k sorunlar\u0131n yan\u0131 s\u0131ra f\u0131rsatlar da sunmaktad\u0131r. Ekonomik m\u00fclahazalar ve M\u00fcsl\u00fcman \u00fclkelerle daha yak\u0131n ili\u015fkiler kurulmas\u0131na y\u00f6nelik i\u00e7 bask\u0131 da d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcl\u00fcrse, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin Ortado\u011fu politikalar\u0131yla gelecekte daha fazla ilgilenece\u011fini s\u00f6ylemek m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr.<\/p>\n

D\u0131\u015f Politikada Karar Alma: Erbakan D\u00f6nemi
\n<\/b>
\nSo\u011fuk Sava\u015f s\u0131ras\u0131nda, h\u00fck\u00fcmetin d\u0131\u015f politikas\u0131n\u0131n \u015fekillendirilmesinde,
\nd\u0131\u015fi\u015fleri bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve ordu \u00f6nemli akt\u00f6rlerdi. Bu durum g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde de de\u011fi\u015fmemi\u015f fakat, siyasi partiler taraf\u0131ndan savunulan \u00e7e\u015fitli g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fler ve kamuoyu daha b\u00fcy\u00fck rol oynamaya ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u0130ki b\u00fcy\u00fck muhafazakar laik parti, Do\u011fru Yol (DYP) ve Anavatan (ANAP), sosyal demokrat Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi (CHP) ile birlikte, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin Avrupa Birli\u011fi\u2019ne tam \u00fcyeli\u011finin \u00f6n\u00fcndeki zorluklara ra\u011fmen, Bat\u0131 yanl\u0131s\u0131 politikalar\u0131 ve Bat\u0131 Avrupa\u2019yla ekonomik b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fmenin devam\u0131n\u0131 savunmaktad\u0131rlar. B\u00fclent Ecevit\u2019in Demokratik Sol Parti\u2019si (DSP), Bat\u0131\u2019yla ili\u015fkilerde geleneksel olarak daha ele\u015ftirel bir tav\u0131r tak\u0131nmakta ve Ortado\u011fu dahil b\u00f6lge \u00fclkeleriyle daha yak\u0131n ili\u015fkiler kurulmas\u0131n\u0131 savunmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

1997\u2019nin ortalar\u0131ndan bu yana, kurulan b\u00fct\u00fcn h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerde yer alan DSP son d\u00f6nemdeki d\u0131\u015f politikaya a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a damgas\u0131n\u0131 vurmu\u015ftur. Milliyet\u00e7i Hareket Partisi (MHP), milliyet\u00e7i bir d\u0131\u015f politikan\u0131n savunucusu olmu\u015ftur. MHP, T\u00fcrki d\u00fcnyas\u0131yla daha yak\u0131n ili\u015fkiler tesis edilmesini ve T\u00fcrkiye, \u00dcrd\u00fcn, M\u0131s\u0131r, \u0130srail ve Filistin\u2019den olu\u015fan bir \u201cDo\u011fu Akdeniz Birli\u011fi\u201dnin kurulmas\u0131n\u0131 istemektedir. \u0130ran ve Suriye\u2019ye kar\u015f\u0131 ise ele\u015ftirel bir tutum benimsemektedir. 1996-97 y\u0131llar\u0131ndaki Refah-DYP koalisyon h\u00fck\u00fcmeti s\u0131ras\u0131nda, T\u00fcrk d\u0131\u015f politikas\u0131n\u0131n geleneksel y\u00f6ntem ve ilkeleri f\u00fctursuzca s\u0131nand\u0131. Bu s\u0131nama b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde Ortado\u011fu\u2019ya odakland\u0131. Ba\u015fbakan olarak Erbakan, yabanc\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fckel\u00e7i ve liderlerle yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelerde diplomatlar\u0131 d\u0131\u015flayarak bazan yerle\u015fmi\u015f uygulamadan ayr\u0131ld\u0131.<\/p>\n

Erbakan\u2019\u0131n RP\u2019si geleneksel T\u00fcrk d\u0131\u015f politikas\u0131na temelden kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. AB
\nile T\u00fcrkiye aras\u0131ndaki 1995 g\u00fcmr\u00fck birli\u011fi anla\u015fmas\u0131na da \u015fiddetle muhalefet etti. Erbakan, AB yerine T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin bir \u0130slam Birle\u015fik Devletleri, bir \u0130slam G\u00fcmr\u00fck Birli\u011fi ve bir \u0130slam NATO\u2019sunun olu\u015fturulmas\u0131nda \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck etmesi gerekti\u011fini savundu. \u0130ran\u2019la ili\u015fkilerde ise, RP, di\u011fer siyasi partiler ve kamuoyunun b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu taraf\u0131ndan payla\u015f\u0131lan g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fle taban tabana z\u0131t bir tutum sergileyerek, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki ter\u00f6rizmin \u0130ran taraf\u0131ndan desteklendi\u011fi iddialar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. \u0130ran, ba\u015fbakan olarak Erbakan\u2019\u0131n 1996\u2019da ziyaret etti\u011fi ilk \u00fclke oldu. Bu ziyaret s\u0131ras\u0131nda, \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n ayr\u0131l\u0131k\u00e7\u0131 PKK g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin bu \u00fclkede bulunmad\u0131\u011f\u0131na ili\u015fkin iddialar\u0131n\u0131 kabul ederek di\u011fer T\u00fcrk yetkilileri k\u0131zd\u0131rd\u0131.15 Erbakan Bat\u0131\u2019ya hi\u00e7 resmi ziyarette bulunmad\u0131 ve Aral\u0131k 1996\u2019da, Dublin\u2019deki bir AB zirvesi sonuda verilen ak\u015fam yeme\u011fi davetini de geri \u00e7evirdi.<\/p>\n

RP, kendi i\u00e7inde birbiriyle \u00e7eli\u015fen ama\u00e7lara sahip bir parti g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fc
\n\u00e7izdi. Erbakan, Arap \u00fclkeleriyle daha yak\u0131n ili\u015fkiler geli\u015ftirilmesi gere\u011fine
\nvurgu yapt\u0131 ama \u0131l\u0131ml\u0131 Arap \u00fclkelerinin \u00e7o\u011fu, Erbakan\u2019\u0131n \u0130slamc\u0131 s\u00f6yleminden; \u0130ran ve Libya ziyaretlerinden; Hamas, Hizbullah, M\u00fcsl\u00fcman Karde\u015fler ve Cezayir\u2019deki FIS (\u0130slami Kurtulu\u015f Cephesi\u2019nin Frans\u0131zca akronimi) gibi radikal islamc\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctlerle yak\u0131n ili\u015fkilerinden \u2013ki bu \u00f6rg\u00fctlerin hepsi RP\u2019nin Ekim 1996\u2019daki 5. kongresine temsilcilerini g\u00f6ndermi\u015fti- rahats\u0131zl\u0131k duydu. RP\u2019nin bar\u0131\u015f s\u00fcrecine ili\u015fkin tavr\u0131 da en hafif deyimiyle belirsizdi. \u00c7ok say\u0131da parti yetkilisi, Arafat\u2019\u0131n, \u0130srail\u2019i tan\u0131yarak Filistin davas\u0131na ihanet etti\u011fini iddia etmekte ve Oslo anla\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131 imzalamas\u0131n\u0131 onaylamad\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6ylemekteydiler.<\/p>\n

\u0130srail ve Siyonizm kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 iddialar, \u00e7o\u011funlukla Yahudi kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla birlikte RP s\u00f6yleminin standartla\u015fm\u0131\u015f i\u00e7eri\u011fini olu\u015fturmaktayd\u0131. Yine de \u00e7ok say\u0131da RP\u2019li milletvekili \u0130srail\u2019e ziyarette bulundu. Erbakan\u2019\u0131n ba\u015fbakan olmas\u0131 \u00fczerine \u0130srail ba\u015fbakan\u0131 Benyamin Netanyahu\u2019nun tebrik mektubunu ve g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fme teklifini yan\u0131tlamam\u0131\u015f olsa da Erbakan, \u0130srail d\u0131\u015fi\u015fleri bakan\u0131 David Levy\u2019yi resmi bir ziyaret nedeniyle daha sonra kabul etti. Aktar\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 kadar\u0131yla aralar\u0131ndaki g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fme hayli s\u0131cak ge\u00e7mi\u015fti.<\/p>\n

Erbakan\u2019\u0131n y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131n, ordu ve d\u0131\u015fi\u015fleri bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131, onun ba\u015fbakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00f6neminde ba\u015fat d\u0131\u015f politika odaklar\u0131 olmay\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fcler. Her ikisi de, Erbakan\u2019\u0131n Kuzey Irak\u2019ta \u201cu\u00e7u\u015fa kapal\u0131\u201d bir b\u00f6lge olu\u015fturulmas\u0131 i\u00e7in
\nT\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin g\u00fcneyinde \u00fcslenen \u00c7eki\u00e7 G\u00fc\u00e7\u2019e olan muhalefetini yeniden g\u00f6zden ge\u00e7irmesini sa\u011flamakta \u00f6nemli bir rol oynad\u0131lar. Erbakan sonunda, parti \u00fcyelerini U d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fc yapmaya ve \u00c7eki\u00e7 G\u00fc\u00e7\u2019\u00fcn g\u00f6rev s\u00fcresinin bir d\u00f6nem daha uzat\u0131lmas\u0131 lehinde oy kullanmaya ikna etmek zorunda b\u0131rak\u0131ld\u0131. Ayr\u0131ca Erbakan, Levy\u2019yle yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fme s\u0131ras\u0131nda Levy\u2019nin \u00f6nerdi\u011fi gibi, kendisini, \u0130srail\u2019le yak\u0131n ili\u015fkilerin s\u00fcrmesini kabul etmek durumunda buldu.<\/p>\n

Ocak 1998\u2019de RP, laikli\u011fi kald\u0131rmaya yeltenmekten su\u00e7lu bulunarak Anayasa Mahkemesi taraf\u0131ndan kapat\u0131ld\u0131. RP\u2019nin de facto devam\u0131 niteli\u011findeki Fazilet Partisi (FP) ise, kendisini selefinin tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 d\u0131\u015f politika fikirlerinden uzak tutmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

\u00d6nemli Sorunlar
\n<\/b>
\nSo\u011fuk Sava\u015f sonras\u0131ndaki Ortado\u011fu\u2019da T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin \u00f6n\u00fcndeki sorunlar, K\u00fcrt isyanc\u0131lar\u0131n giri\u015ftikleri sald\u0131r\u0131lar da dahil olmak \u00fczere K\u00fcrt sorunuyla askeri ve g\u00fcvenlik endi\u015feleridir. 1991\u2019in Mart ay\u0131n\u0131n sonunda Irak ordusunun Kuzey Irak\u2019taki K\u00fcrt ayaklanmas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 ba\u015flatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 operasyon, tarihin son d\u00f6nemlerindeki en b\u00fcy\u00fck m\u00fclteci bunal\u0131mlar\u0131ndan bir tanesine yol a\u00e7t\u0131. 1,5 milyondan fazla K\u00fcrt \u0130ran ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye ka\u00e7t\u0131. Bunal\u0131m, d\u00fcnya kamuoyunun dikkatinin K\u00fcrtlere ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin kendi K\u00fcrt sorununa odaklanmas\u0131na neden oldu.<\/p>\n

Bu sorun, Kuzey Irak\u2019ta K\u00fcrtlerin denetiminde bir b\u00f6lge olu\u015fturulmas\u0131na da yol a\u00e7t\u0131. B\u00f6ylelikle, PKK\u2019n\u0131n K\u00fcrtlerin denetimindeki bu b\u00f6lgeden T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye y\u00f6nelik eylemlerinde bir art\u0131\u015f da meydana geldi. Bu \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma 30 binden fazla can kayb\u0131na ve hazinenin bo\u015falmas\u0131na sebep oldu.17PKK\u2019n\u0131n Irak\u2019tan T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye y\u00f6nelik eylemlerde bulunabilme olana\u011f\u0131 elde etmesi, T\u00fcrk ordusunun \u00e7ok say\u0131da s\u0131n\u0131r\u00f6tesi operasyon d\u00fczenlemesine yol a\u00e7t\u0131. \u0130ran ve Suriye\u2019nin PKK\u2019ya destek sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131na y\u00f6nelik T\u00fcrk iddialar\u0131, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin bu iki \u00fclkeyle aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkileri ciddi bir bi\u00e7imde etkiledi. Ayr\u0131ca operasyonlar s\u0131ras\u0131ndaki can kay\u0131plar\u0131 ve soruna demokratik bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm bulunamamas\u0131, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin ABD ve Bat\u0131\u2019ya ili\u015fkilerini zora
\nsoktu.<\/p>\n

Kom\u015fu Ortado\u011fu \u00fclkelerinin sofistike askeri kapasiteleri ve ge\u00e7mi\u015fte
\nbirbirleriyle giri\u015ftikleri sava\u015flar T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin ulusal g\u00fcvenli\u011fine y\u00f6nelik
\n\u00f6nemli bir tehdit olu\u015fturmaktad\u0131r. \u0130ran ve Suriye kitle imha mermileri
\ng\u00f6nderebilen balistik f\u00fczelere sahip olup \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n da n\u00fckleer g\u00fc\u00e7 edindi\u011fine
\nili\u015fkin bilgiler bulunmaktad\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin \u00f6nemli yerle\u015fim merkezleri,
\nbarajlar\u0131, enerji santralleri, hava \u00fcsleri ve askeri karargahlar\u0131 bu f\u00fcze
\nsistemlerinin menzili i\u00e7ersindedir. Suriye\u2019nin \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131 bar\u0131nd\u0131rmas\u0131 y\u00fcz\u00fcnden ya\u015fanan Ekim 1998 krizi s\u0131ras\u0131nda bu tehdit olduk\u00e7a belirgin bir hal ald\u0131.<\/p>\n

K\u00f6rfez Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019ndan sonra meydana gelen Ortado\u011fu\u2019yla ticaret kayb\u0131 da
\nT\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin g\u00fcvenli\u011fini olumsuz etkilemi\u015ftir. Irak\u2019a uygulanan yapt\u0131r\u0131mlar,
\nsadece karl\u0131 bir pazar\u0131n kapanmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7mam\u0131\u015f ayn\u0131 zamanda K\u00f6rfez \u00fclkelerine tar\u0131m \u00fcr\u00fcnleri ihra\u00e7 eden T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rmal\u0131 \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne de zarar vermi\u015ftir. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin Ortado\u011fu\u2019ya yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ihracat\u0131n toplam ihracat i\u00e7indeki pay\u0131 sava\u015f \u00f6ncesinde % 23 iken bu oran 1996\u2019da % 14\u2019e d\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Say\u0131s\u0131 40 binden fazla olan kamyon filosu ise i\u015fsiz kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu kamyonlar\u0131n \u00e7o\u011fu, K\u00fcrt n\u00fcfusun yo\u011fun olarak bulundu\u011fu g\u00fcneydo\u011fu T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de olup, b\u00f6lgede \u00f6nemli bir istihdam olana\u011f\u0131 yaratmaktayd\u0131. Ayr\u0131ca T\u00fcrkiye, Irak\u2019\u0131n 1990 y\u0131l\u0131nda Kuveyt\u2019i i\u015fgal etmesinden sonra, kapat\u0131lan Kerk\u00fck-Yumurtal\u0131k petrol boru hatt\u0131n\u0131n gelirinden de oldu.1998 y\u0131l\u0131nda, d\u0131\u015fi\u015fleri bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ambargonun, gelir ve ticaret kayb\u0131 olarak maliyetinin 35 milyar $\u2019dan fazla oldu\u011funu hesaplad\u0131.<\/p>\n

K\u00f6rfez krizinin ve sava\u015f\u0131n bu ekonomik sonu\u00e7lar\u0131, K\u00fcrt sorunu ile onu \u00e7evreleyen \u015fiddeti a\u011f\u0131rla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin b\u00fcy\u00fcyen ekonomisinin enerji ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131 da ulusal g\u00fcvenlik a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan gittik\u00e7e b\u00fcy\u00fcyen bir sorun haline gelmektedir. T\u00fcrkiye, ham petrol ihtiyac\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7o\u011funu Ortado\u011fu \u00fclkelerinden sat\u0131n almaktad\u0131r. Bu ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k, ekonominin b\u00f6lgedeki geli\u015fmelerden etkilenmesine yol a\u00e7makta ve dengesiz bir d\u0131\u015f ticaret bilan\u00e7osu ortaya \u00e7\u0131karmaktad\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye, 1995 y\u0131l\u0131nda Suudi Arabistan\u2019dan 1.382 milyar $\u2019l\u0131k mal alm\u0131\u015f -\u00e7o\u011fu petrol- kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131nda ise yaln\u0131zca 470 milyon $ de\u011ferinde mal satabilmi\u015ftir. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin do\u011fal gaz t\u00fcketimi de artmaktad\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye do\u011fal gaz bak\u0131m\u0131ndan geleneksel olarak daha \u00e7ok Rusya\u2019ya ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 olmu\u015ftur. Yeni yap\u0131lan projeksiyonlara g\u00f6re, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin do\u011fal gaz talebinin 2010 y\u0131l\u0131na kadar 40-50 milyar metrek\u00fcpe, 2025 y\u0131l\u0131na kadar ise 63 milyar metrek\u00fcpe \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 beklenmektedir. Mevcut kaynaklar, bu tahminlerin yaln\u0131zca be\u015fte birini kar\u015f\u0131lamaktad\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin gelecekteki kaynaklar\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck olas\u0131l\u0131kla ya Ortado\u011fu ya da Hazar havzas\u0131 olacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrkiye elektrik enerjisine de ihtiya\u00e7 duymaktad\u0131r. \u0130ran\u2019dan elektrik alan
\nT\u00fcrkiye, kendisi ile birlikte Suriye, \u00dcrd\u00fcn, M\u0131s\u0131r ve Irak aras\u0131nda bir elektrik
\n\u015febekesi kurulmas\u0131 i\u00e7in s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc m\u00fczakereleri sonu\u00e7land\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. B\u00f6yle bir \u015febeke, kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 artt\u0131rabilir. T\u00fcrk h\u00fck\u00fcmetleri bir s\u00fcredir bu
\nfikrin takip\u00e7isi olagelmi\u015flerdir.<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin elektrik ve enerji ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131 Ortado\u011fu\u2019yla ilgili bir ba\u015fka
\n\u00f6nemli sorunu yani F\u0131rat-Dicle akarsu sisteminin sular\u0131n\u0131n payla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 sorununu ortaya \u00e7\u0131karmaktad\u0131r. Su sadece tar\u0131mda de\u011fil hidroelektrik enerji \u00fcretiminde de \u00f6nemli bir maddedir. 22 baraj ve 19 hidroelektrik santral ile GAP, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n en iddial\u0131 sulama ve elektrik \u00fcretim projelerinden biridir. Fakat, T\u00fcrk taraf\u0131 Dicle ve F\u0131rat\u2019\u0131n \u201cT\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc\u201d konusunda \u0131srar ederken, Irak ve Suriye GAP\u2019\u0131 k\u0131y\u0131da\u015f devlet haklar\u0131n\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131k ihlali ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin b\u00f6lgede \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fck kurmaya y\u00f6nelik sistematik \u00e7abas\u0131 olarak g\u00f6rmektedir. Hem Suriye hem de Irak, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin b\u00fcy\u00fck Arap d\u00fcnyas\u0131 ile ili\u015fkilerini gerginle\u015ftirerek ve b\u00f6lgede yeni istikrars\u0131zl\u0131klar yaratarak Arap Birli\u011fi i\u00e7inde kendi g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri i\u00e7in destek sa\u011flamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r.<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrk-Arap ve T\u00fcrk-\u0130ran \u0130li\u015fkilerinin De\u011ferlendirilmesi
\n<\/b>
\nT\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin So\u011fuk Sava\u015f sonras\u0131nda Arap \u00fclkeleriyle ili\u015fkileri, i\u015fbirli\u011fi ve
\n\u00e7at\u0131\u015fman\u0131n bir kar\u0131\u015f\u0131m\u0131 niteli\u011findedir. \u00c7at\u0131\u015fma, T\u00fcrkiye ile yak\u0131n Arap
\nkom\u015fular\u0131 Irak ve Suriye aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkilerin belirleyici \u00f6zelli\u011fi olmaya
\ndevam etmektedir. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin Irak ve Suriye\u2019yle aras\u0131ndaki sorunlar ve
\n\u0130srail\u2019le ili\u015fkileri nedeniyle M\u0131s\u0131r, \u00dcrd\u00fcn ve Filistin Y\u00f6netimi\u2019yle olan
\nili\u015fkilerinde zaman zaman gerginlikler ortaya \u00e7\u0131ksa da T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin her \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcyle de aras\u0131nda olumlu bir diyalog bulunmaktad\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin K\u00f6rfez \u00fclkeleriyle ili\u015fkileri ise marjinal d\u00fczeyde olup, temelde ticaretle s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131d\u0131r.
\nIrak T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin Irak politikas\u0131, en iyi belirsiz s\u00f6zc\u00fc\u011f\u00fcyle tarif edilebilir. \u015eu
\nanda T\u00fcrkiye i\u00e7in \u00f6nemli ve yak\u0131n bir tehdit olu\u015fturmayan Irak, yeniden
\nsofistike silahlar edindi\u011fi takdirde, yine \u00f6nemli bir tehdit haline gelebilir.
\nIrak\u2019a \u201cdostluk\u201d ifadesi olarak \u00e7ok say\u0131da ziyaret ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilmi\u015f olmas\u0131na
\nkar\u015f\u0131n, gelecekteki ili\u015fkilerin sorunsuz olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek yanl\u0131\u015f olacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Saddam bir\u00e7ok vesileyle, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi 1991 K\u00f6rfez Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019nda \u2013Irakl\u0131lar\u0131n
\ndeyimiyle \u201cotuz devletin Irak\u2019a sald\u0131r\u0131s\u0131\u201d- Bat\u0131l\u0131lara yard\u0131m ederek haince
\ndavranmakla su\u00e7lam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Irak\u2019taki hedefleri vuran ABD ve \u0130ngiliz u\u00e7aklar\u0131n\u0131n
\n\u0130ncirlik hava \u00fcss\u00fcn\u00fc kullanmalar\u0131na izin veren T\u00fcrk politikas\u0131n\u0131 da
\nele\u015ftirmi\u015ftir. \u015eubat 1999\u2019da Ba\u011fdat, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi, topraklar\u0131n\u0131 \u0130ngiliz ve ABD
\nu\u00e7aklar\u0131n\u0131n Irak\u2019\u0131 vurmas\u0131 i\u00e7in kullanmas\u0131na izin vermeye devam etmesi durumunda kendisine sald\u0131rmakla tehdit etti. Saddam\u2019\u0131n sald\u0131rganl\u0131\u011f\u0131, her zaman s\u00f6zde kalmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. PKK\u2019y\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a desteklemekten ve 1988 y\u0131l\u0131nda K\u00fcrt gruplara kar\u015f\u0131 giri\u015fti\u011fi sald\u0131r\u0131dan sonra T\u00fcrk s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131na yak\u0131n k\u00f6ylere PKK yanda\u015flar\u0131n\u0131 yerle\u015ftirmekten \u00e7ekinmemi\u015ftir. S\u00f6ylendi\u011fine g\u00f6re, 1998 y\u0131l\u0131nda, Saddam PKK\u2019ya Ba\u011fdat\u2019ta bir temsilcilik a\u00e7mas\u0131na izin vermi\u015f ve \u00f6rg\u00fcte y\u00f6nelik deste\u011fini daha da artt\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

K\u00f6rfez Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n sona ermesinden bu yana, T\u00fcrkiye \u00f6ncelikle, PKK\u2019n\u0131n
\nKuzey Irak\u2019a yerle\u015fmesini \u00f6nlemek i\u00e7in \u00e7aba sarf etmi\u015ftir. Bu durum, Kuzey Irak\u2019taki iki \u00f6nemli K\u00fcrt grup olan Mesut Barzani liderli\u011findeki K\u00fcrdistan Demokratik Partisi (KDP) ve Celal Talabani liderli\u011findeki K\u00fcrdistan Yurtseverler Birli\u011fi\u2019yle endi\u015fe verici bir i\u015fbirli\u011fine yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye, \u00c7eki\u00e7 G\u00fc\u00e7\u2019\u00fcn (1997\u2019de ad\u0131 Kuzeyden Ke\u015fif Harekat\u0131 olmu\u015ftur) g\u00f6rev s\u00fcresinin uzat\u0131lmas\u0131na, Kuzey Irak\u2019a d\u00fczenledi\u011fi s\u0131n\u0131r\u00f6tesi operasyonlara ABD\u2019nin ses \u00e7\u0131karmamas\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131nda onay vermi\u015ftir. T\u00fcrkiye bir yandan Irak\u2019\u0131 BM kararlar\u0131na uymaya \u00e7a\u011f\u0131r\u0131rken bir yandan da Irak\u2019\u0131n toprak ve siyasi b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn s\u00fcrekli destek\u00e7isi olmu\u015ftur. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki karar al\u0131c\u0131lar, ABD\u2019nin b\u00f6lgede izledi\u011fi politikalar\u0131 \u015f\u00fcpheyle kar\u015f\u0131lam\u0131\u015flar ve bir K\u00fcrt devletinin kurulmas\u0131na yard\u0131mc\u0131 olaca\u011f\u0131ndan korkmu\u015flard\u0131r. Bu korku T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin s\u0131k s\u0131k, ABD\u2019yle \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmasa bile
\nondan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z politikalar benimsemesine neden olmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin Irak\u2019\u0131n toprak b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne y\u00f6nelik taahh\u00fcd\u00fc ger\u00e7ektir. Irak\u2019\u0131n
\nb\u00f6l\u00fcnerek kaosa s\u00fcr\u00fcklenmesi, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi \u00e7ok zor durumda b\u0131rakacakt\u0131r. \u0130ran ve Suriye\u2019de T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc payla\u015fmaktad\u0131r. Bu iki devletle Irak aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkiler tarihsel olarak T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin Irak\u2019la ili\u015fkilerinden daha k\u00f6t\u00fc olsa da her ikisi de Irak\u2019\u0131n toprak b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne ba\u011fl\u0131 kalm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Ayr\u0131ca \u00fc\u00e7 devlet de kurulacak bir K\u00fcrt devletinin kendi toprak b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fcklerini tehdit edece\u011fi endi\u015fesini payla\u015fmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Ba\u011fdat\u2019taki rejim de\u011fi\u015fse de, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin K\u00f6rfez Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019ndaki rol\u00fc ve
\nDicle ile F\u0131rat \u00fczerindeki uyu\u015fmazl\u0131k muhtemelen gelecekteki T\u00fcrk-Irak
\nili\u015fkilerini olumsuz etkileyecektir. Irak g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir ekonomi i\u00e7in gerekli t\u00fcm
\ngirdilere sahiptir: Zengin petrol rezervleri, iyi e\u011fitilmi\u015f bir halk, b\u00f6lgedeki
\nen zengin toprak potansiyeline sahip olma \u00f6zelli\u011fi. Irak ve T\u00fcrkiye aras\u0131ndaki mevcut boru hatlar\u0131 hala \u00f6nemli bir i\u015fbirli\u011fi kayna\u011f\u0131 olup T\u00fcrkiye, Irak petrol ve gaz\u0131n\u0131n gelecekteki en \u00f6nemli m\u00fc\u015fterisi olabilir. Irak\u2019la T\u00fcrkiye aras\u0131nda 1980\u2019lerde patlayan ihracat ve geli\u015fen i\u015f ili\u015fkileri Saddam sonras\u0131 d\u00f6nemde de canland\u0131r\u0131labilir. \u0130ki \u00fclke aras\u0131ndaki yak\u0131n ekonomik ili\u015fkiler her iki \u00fclkenin K\u00fcrt n\u00fcfusunun ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 b\u00f6lgeler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan da faydas\u0131 olacakt\u0131r. Fakat her iki \u00fclke i\u00e7in de as\u0131l \u00f6nemli olan kendi K\u00fcrt sorunlar\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcme kavu\u015fturmakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Suriye Suriye\u2019yle ili\u015fkilere y\u0131llard\u0131r, \u015eam\u2019\u0131n PKK\u2019ya verdi\u011fi destek ve \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131 bar\u0131nd\u0131rmas\u0131, su kaynaklar\u0131 \u00fczerindeki uyu\u015fmazl\u0131k ve Suriye\u2019nin Hatay \u00fczerindeki iddialar\u0131 egemen olmu\u015ftur. Suriye\u2019nin balistik f\u00fczelere ve kitle imha silahlar\u0131na sahip olmas\u0131 da T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi endi\u015felendiren bir ba\u015fka konudur. Yunanistan ile Suriye aras\u0131ndaki askeri i\u015fbirli\u011fine y\u00f6nelik endi\u015feler emekli b\u00fcy\u00fckel\u00e7i \u015e\u00fckr\u00fc Elekda\u011f\u2019\u0131n \u0130kibu\u00e7uk Sava\u015f makalesinde, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin ulusal savunma stratejisini ayn\u0131 anda Yunanistan, Suriye ve PKK\u2019yla sava\u015fabilme yetene\u011fi \u00fczerine oturtmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fi fikrini ortaya atmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7t\u0131. PKK sorunu ortadan kalksa da, F\u0131rat sular\u0131 \u00fczerindeki uyu\u015fmazl\u0131k bir s\u00fcre daha devam edecek gibi g\u00f6z\u00fckmektedir. Suriye, F\u0131rat \u00fczerindeki GAP barajlar\u0131n\u0131n T\u00fcrkiye taraf\u0131ndan siyasi \u015fantaj arac\u0131 olarak kullan\u0131laca\u011f\u0131ndan endi\u015fe etmektedir. Ucuz ve bol su, Suriye\u2019deki Baas rejimi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan, bu rejimin en b\u00fcy\u00fck destek\u00e7isi kentlerde, g\u0131da fiyatlar\u0131n\u0131 olabildi\u011fince d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck tutabilmek i\u00e7in, hayati \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131maktad\u0131r. Suriye liderli\u011fi, Hatay \u00fczerindeki geleneksel iddialar\u0131, \u00fclke i\u00e7inde rejime destek sa\u011flaman\u0131n bir arac\u0131 olarak kullanmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

T\u00fcm bu endi\u015feler, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin \u0130srail ile yak\u0131n askeri i\u015fbirli\u011fi yapma\u00a0 karar\u0131 vermesinde \u00f6nemli bir rol oynam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu i\u015fbirli\u011fi Suriye\u2019de \u00e7evrelenme
\nhissi uyand\u0131rm\u0131\u015f ve \u015eam\u2019\u0131n T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye kar\u015f\u0131 \u0130slam d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131 harekete
\nge\u00e7irmesine ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye d\u00fc\u015fman olan ezeli rakip Irak\u2019la i\u015fbirli\u011fi yapma
\n\u00e7abalar\u0131n\u0131 artt\u0131rmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ayr\u0131ca, bu e\u011filim b\u00f6lgede bir yanda
\n\u0130srail-T\u00fcrkiye-\u00dcrd\u00fcn-Azerbaycan ekseni, di\u011fer yanda Ermenistan-Yunanistan-Suriye-Rusya ekseninden olu\u015fan ittifak \u015febekelerinin kurulmas\u0131na y\u00f6nelik tehlikeli giri\u015fimleri de beraberinde getirmi\u015ftir.
\nAyr\u0131ca, \u0130srail’le anla\u015fmaya vard\u0131ktan sonra, Suriye’nin, T\u00fcrkiye’yle
\naras\u0131ndaki uyu\u015fmazl\u0131\u011f\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck bir ordu ve g\u00fcvenlik sistemi beslemesinin gerek\u00e7esi olarak kullanmas\u0131 gayet muhtemeldir. E\u011fer Suriye’de daha geni\u015f liberalizm ve \u00e7o\u011fulculuk ortam\u0131 egemen olursa, iki \u00fclke aras\u0131nda daha iyi ili\u015fkiler geli\u015febilir. Bu ayn\u0131 zamanda, T\u00fcrkiye’yle iyi ili\u015fkiler kurulmas\u0131nda \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131 olan giri\u015fimci ve di\u011fer \u00e7\u0131kar gruplar\u0131n\u0131n do\u011fmas\u0131na da ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r. Eskiden beri, T\u00fcrkiye-Suriye s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131n\u0131n her iki taraf\u0131nda, \u00f6zellikle de Gaziantep ve Halep’te, ya\u015fayan aileler ve t\u00fcccarlar aras\u0131nda yak\u0131n ili\u015fkiler olmu\u015ftur. Mart 1998’in sonundaki bir Bayram kutlamas\u0131nda, on y\u0131ld\u0131r ilk kez her iki taraf da s\u0131n\u0131r kontrollerini gev\u015fetmi\u015f b\u00f6ylelikle aileler ve eski arkada\u015flar Nusaybin s\u0131n\u0131r kap\u0131s\u0131nda birbirleriyle bayramla\u015fabilmi\u015flerdi.29 Suriyeli ve T\u00fcrk yetkililer aras\u0131nda yine Mart 1998’de ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilen bir g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmede s\u0131n\u0131r kontrollerindeki gev\u015femenin, ticareti artt\u0131raca\u011f\u0131 ve s\u0131n\u0131r ticaretini yeniden canland\u0131raca\u011f\u0131 \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc. Ekim 1998’de \u00d6calan’\u0131n Suriye’den \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lmas\u0131 da ikili ili\u015fkilerin daha da g\u00fc\u00e7lenece\u011fine ili\u015fkin beklentileri artt\u0131rd\u0131. Fakat, iki \u00fclke aras\u0131ndaki derin toplumsal ve y\u00f6netimsel farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n uzla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7 olacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

M\u0131s\u0131r M\u0131s\u0131r-T\u00fcrkiye ili\u015fkileri, So\u011fuk Sava\u015f’\u0131n sona ermesinden bu yana b\u00fcy\u00fck geli\u015fme kaydetmi\u015ftir. 1952’deki “H\u00fcr Subaylar” darbesi ve 1954’te Cemal Abd\u00fcl Nas\u0131r’\u0131n h\u0131zla iktidara y\u00fckseli\u015fi, iki \u00fclke aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkilerin k\u00f6t\u00fcle\u015fmesine yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. 1955’te, Ba\u011fdat Pakt\u0131’na tepki olarak M\u0131s\u0131r ile Suriye aras\u0131nda bir anla\u015fma imzalanmas\u0131n\u0131n hemen akabinde, T\u00fcrkiye, Suriye s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131na asker y\u0131\u011fmaya ba\u015flad\u0131. Gerilim 1957’de zirve noktas\u0131na ula\u015farak, T\u00fcrk ve M\u0131s\u0131r ordular\u0131, birbirlerini Suriye s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131nda g\u00f6recek kadar yak\u0131nla\u015ft\u0131lar.<\/p>\n

So\u011fuk Sava\u015f’\u0131n t\u0131rmand\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00f6nemde ili\u015fkiler so\u011fuk kald\u0131. 1970’lerin
\nba\u015flar\u0131nda M\u0131s\u0131r’\u0131n, Sovyetlerle aras\u0131ndaki stratejik ili\u015fkileri sona erdirmeye
\nve ABD’yle daha yak\u0131n ili\u015fkiler kurmaya karar vermesiyle, T\u00fcrk-M\u0131s\u0131r
\nili\u015fkilerinin iyile\u015fme olas\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 do\u011fdu. Fakat, 1990’lar\u0131n ba\u015flar\u0131na kadar
\nili\u015fkilerde ger\u00e7ek bir geli\u015fme g\u00f6zlenmedi. Bu tarihten sonra, \u00fcst d\u00fczey
\nyetkililer aras\u0131nda d\u00fczenli temaslar ger\u00e7ek\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilmeye ba\u015fland\u0131. Ayr\u0131ca her iki \u00fclkenin devlet ba\u015fkanlar\u0131 bir\u00e7ok vesileyle kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ziyaretlerde
\nbulundular. M\u0131s\u0131r devlet ba\u015fkan\u0131 H\u00fcsn\u00fc M\u00fcbarek, 1998 bunal\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 yat\u0131\u015ft\u0131rmak i\u00e7in Suriye ve M\u0131s\u0131r aras\u0131nda mekik dokuyarak, bu konuda ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 bir \u00e7aba sergiledi.<\/p>\n

Yine de, iki tarafl\u0131 ili\u015fkiler, gerilimsiz y\u00fcr\u00fcmemektedir. \u00d6rne\u011fin, Kahire, T\u00fcrk ordusunun Kuzey Irak’a girmesini Arap topra\u011f\u0131na sald\u0131r\u0131 olarak
\nnitelendirerek ele\u015ftirmektedir. Ayr\u0131ca, a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 akarsu \u00fclkesi olarak ekonomisi Nil’e ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 olan M\u0131s\u0131r, ‘Arap dayan\u0131\u015fmas\u0131’ etkeni olmasa dahi s\u0131n\u0131ra\u015fan sular konusunda Suriye’yi destekleyecektir. Kahire, Ortado\u011fu’daki bar\u0131\u015f aray\u0131\u015f\u0131nda, T\u00fcrkiye’nin \u00f6nemli bir rol\u00fc oldu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc ve \u0130srail-T\u00fcrkiye ili\u015fkilerindeki yak\u0131nla\u015fmaya kar\u015f\u0131 olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6ylemesine ra\u011fmen, T\u00fcrk-\u0130srail askeri ili\u015fkilerinin Araplara stratejik bir tehdit olu\u015fturaca\u011f\u0131 uyar\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 yapmaktan da geri kalmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Bu t\u00fcr farkl\u0131l\u0131klar 1950\u2019lerdeki kat\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011fa hi\u00e7bir \u015fekilde
\nbenzememektedir. Bug\u00fcn her iki \u00fclke de bar\u0131\u015f s\u00fcrecini desteklemekte, ABD ile yak\u0131n stratejik ili\u015fkilerini s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmekte ve radikal islami gruplardan kendi ulusal g\u00fcvenliklerine y\u00f6nelik benzer tehdit alg\u0131lamas\u0131 i\u00e7inde bulunmaktad\u0131rlar. Arap dayan\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 ve Arap d\u00fcnyas\u0131 i\u00e7inde M\u0131s\u0131r\u2019\u0131n do\u011fal lider konumu bazen s\u00fcrt\u00fc\u015fmelere neden olabilmektedir. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin Arap kom\u015fular\u0131yla ili\u015fkilerindeki uyu\u015fmazl\u0131klar bunal\u0131ma d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde M\u0131s\u0131r\u2019\u0131n T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi destekleyece\u011fini ya da en az\u0131ndan sessiz kalaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 beklemek ger\u00e7ek\u00e7i olmayacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

\u00dcrd\u00fcn \u00dcrd\u00fcn ve T\u00fcrkiye aras\u0131nda \u00f6teden beri iyi ili\u015fkiler bulunmaktad\u0131r. So\u011fuk Sava\u015f s\u0131ras\u0131nda \u00dcrd\u00fcn’\u00fcn Bat\u0131 yanl\u0131s\u0131 tutumu ve T\u00fcrkiye’yle de aralar\u0131nda so\u011fuk ili\u015fkiler bulunan radikal Arap \u00fclkeleriyle ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 uyu\u015fmazl\u0131klar bu ili\u015fkileri etkileyen \u00f6nemli etkenlerdi. T\u00fcrkiye gibi \u00dcrd\u00fcn’\u00fcn de, daha de\u011fi\u015fik nedenlerden kaynaklansa da Suriye’yle aras\u0131nda sorunlu ili\u015fkiler bulunmaktad\u0131r. Suriye’nin krala kar\u015f\u0131 Filistinli gruplar\u0131 desteklemek i\u00e7in Eyl\u00fcl 1970’te \u00dcrd\u00fcn’\u00fc k\u0131sa s\u00fcre i\u015fgal etmesi \u00dcrd\u00fcnl\u00fclerin hala haf\u0131zas\u0131ndad\u0131r. 1990’lar\u0131n sonunda dahi, Kral
\nH\u00fcseyin Suriye’yi, \u00fclkesindeki radikal gruplar\u0131 ve ter\u00f6rizmi desteklemekle
\nsu\u00e7lam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrk-\u00dcrd\u00fcn ili\u015fkileri, 1990’lar\u0131n sonunda belirgin bir bi\u00e7imde geli\u015fmeye
\nba\u015flad\u0131. Her taraflar aras\u0131nda y\u00fcksek d\u00fczeyli ziyaretler ve s\u0131kl\u0131kla da daha
\nalt d\u00fczeyde g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmeler ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti. Merhum Kral H\u00fcseyin, su sorunu, kuzey Irak ve T\u00fcrk-\u0130srail askeri i\u015fbirli\u011fi gibi konulardaki \u0131l\u0131ml\u0131 ve dengeli tutumu nedeniyle T\u00fcrkiye’nin \u00f6vg\u00fcs\u00fcne mahzar olmu\u015ftu. \u00dcrd\u00fcn, Ocak 1998’de \u0130srail, T\u00fcrkiye ve ABD taraf\u0131ndan ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilen arama-kurtarma tatbikat\u0131na g\u00f6zlemci olarak kat\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Nisan 1998’de, \u00dcrd\u00fcn ve T\u00fcrkiye kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 askeri ziyaretlerde bulunma konusunu da mutabakata vard\u0131lar. Yine ayn\u0131 y\u0131l genel kurmay ba\u015fkan yard\u0131mc\u0131s\u0131 orgeneral \u00c7evik Bir, Kral’dan bir liyakat ni\u015fan\u0131 ald\u0131. Yak\u0131n ili\u015fkilere y\u00f6nelik bu e\u011filimin Kral H\u00fcseyin’in o\u011flu ve halefi II. Abdullah d\u00f6neminde de s\u00fcrece\u011fi beklenmektedir.<\/p>\n

Filistinliler T\u00fcrkiye’nin Filistin davas\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkileri ini\u015fli \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015fl\u0131 bir grafik
\n\u00e7izmektedir. 1947’de T\u00fcrkiye, Arap devletleriyle birlikte Filistin’in
\npar\u00e7alanmas\u0131 aleyhinde oy kullanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Fakat 1949’da, T\u00fcrkiye, \u0130srail’i tan\u0131yan ilk M\u00fcsl\u00fcman \u00fclke olmu\u015f ve 1960’lar\u0131n sonlar\u0131na de\u011fin, Filistin davas\u0131ndan uzak kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu tarihten sonra ise d\u00fczenli olarak, Filistin haklar\u0131n\u0131 destekleyen BM kararlar\u0131n\u0131n lehinde oy kullanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u0130li\u015fkilerin geli\u015fmesi ve Ankara\u2019da bir FK\u00d6 temsilcili\u011finin a\u00e7\u0131lmas\u0131 i\u00e7in, FK\u00d6\u2019n\u00fcn T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki ter\u00f6r eylemlerine kar\u0131\u015fan radikal gruplar\u0131 desteklemesi nedeniyle, 1979 y\u0131l\u0131na kadar beklemek gerekecektir.34 Fakat bu tarihten sonra, T\u00fcrk-Filistin ili\u015fkileri, \u00e7ok olumlu bir hal alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye, Filistin Ulusal Konseyi 1988\u2019de ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k ilan etti\u011finde, Filistinlilerin \u201cdevlet\u201d stat\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc tan\u0131yan Arap olmayan ilk devletlerden biri olmu\u015ftur. Arafat 1994\u2019te Filistin Y\u00f6netimini kurduktan hemen sonra T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye bir ziyarette bulunmu\u015f, bundan bir y\u0131l sonra da ba\u015fbakan Tansu \u00c7iller, \u0130srail\u2019e yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 resmi bir ziyaretten sonra Gazze\u2019ye u\u011frayarak, d\u00fcnyada Arafat\u2019\u0131 ziyaret eden ilk h\u00fck\u00fcmet ba\u015fkan\u0131 olmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin bar\u0131\u015f s\u00fcreci i\u00e7inde yer almas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nemini vurgulayan ve
\nFilistin\u2019in ekonomik geli\u015fimi i\u00e7in T\u00fcrkiye\u2019den yard\u0131m isteyen Arafat, bir\u00e7ok
\nvesileyle T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye ziyarette bulunmu\u015ftur. Kral H\u00fcseyin gibi Arafat da, T\u00fcrk-\u0130srail ili\u015fkilerine ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin Kuzey Irak\u2019a d\u00fczenledi\u011fi s\u0131n\u0131r \u00f6tesi
\noperasyonlara dengeli bir yakla\u015f\u0131m benimsemi\u015ftir. 1997 Haziran\u0131nda FK\u00d6\u2019n\u00fcn Ankara nezdindeki el\u00e7isi Fuad Yasin, \u201cT\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 ter\u00f6rist sald\u0131r\u0131lardan korumaya hakk\u0131 oldu\u011funu\u201d s\u00f6yleyerek Filistinlilerin, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019den kendileri i\u00e7in \u00f6nem arz eden meselelerde daha duyarl\u0131 davranmas\u0131n\u0131 beklediklerini belirtmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

1990\u2019lar\u0131n sonunda, bar\u0131\u015f s\u00fcrecinin t\u0131kanmas\u0131, Filistinlilerin T\u00fcrk-\u0130srail
\nili\u015fkilerinden daha fazla rahats\u0131zl\u0131k duymalar\u0131na yol a\u00e7t\u0131. Temmuz 1998\u2019de T\u00fcrk d\u0131\u015fi\u015fleri bakan\u0131 \u0130smail Cem\u2019in \u0130srail ve Filistin Y\u00f6netimi\u2019ne ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdi\u011fi ziyaret s\u0131ras\u0131nda, Arafat, T\u00fcrkiye ile \u0130srail aras\u0131ndaki yak\u0131n ili\u015fkilerin Filistinlileri derinden yaralad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 dile getirdi. Bir Filistinli milletvekili de, Cem\u2019e, \u201cT\u00fcrkiye ile \u0130srail aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkiler ne kadar g\u00fc\u00e7lenirse, \u0130srail\u2019in Kud\u00fcs\u2019te yeni bir stat\u00fcko dayatmak i\u00e7in o kadar avantaj elde edece\u011fini\u201d s\u00f6yledi. Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 S\u00fcleyman Demirel, bu \u015fikayetleri cevaplamak i\u00e7in Nisan 1999\u2019da Ankara\u2019da Arafat\u2019la biraraya geldi. Demirel bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmede \u201c\u0130srail\u2019in, Ortado\u011fu bar\u0131\u015f s\u00fcrecini t\u0131kayan West Bank ve Kud\u00fcs\u2019te izledi\u011fi politikalar\u0131 onaylamam\u0131z m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir\u201d diyerek a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a \u0130srail\u2019i ele\u015ftirdi. Demirel, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin Filistin davas\u0131na destek olaca\u011f\u0131 hususunda Arafat\u2019\u0131 temin ederek, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin \u0130srail \u00fczerindeki t\u00fcm n\u00fcfuzunu bar\u0131\u015f s\u00fcrecinin devam etmesi i\u00e7in kullanaca\u011f\u0131na s\u00f6z verdi.<\/p>\n

S\u0131cak ikili ili\u015fkilere kar\u015f\u0131n, T\u00fcrk d\u0131\u015f politikas\u0131 defalarca Filistinlileri hayal k\u0131r\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131na u\u011fratm\u0131\u015f ve verdi\u011fi taahh\u00fctleri yerine getirmemi\u015ftir. Arafat, Demirel\u2019den Uluslararas\u0131 g\u00f6zlemci olarak Filistin se\u00e7imlerine 60 T\u00fcrk g\u00f6zlemcinin kat\u0131lmas\u0131 i\u00e7in ricada bulunmu\u015f ancak 1996 y\u0131l\u0131ndaki se\u00e7imlere yaln\u0131zca 4 g\u00f6zlemci g\u00f6nderilmi\u015ftir. Halbuki, bir\u00e7ok \u00fclke s\u00f6zkonusu se\u00e7imlere parlamento \u00fcyeleri ve \u00f6nde gelen politikac\u0131lar da dahil
\nolmak \u00fczere \u00e7ok say\u0131da g\u00f6zlemci g\u00f6ndermi\u015ftir. 2000 y\u0131l\u0131 itibariyle, T\u00fcrkiye hala Filistin Y\u00f6netimi\u2019ne 1993 y\u0131l\u0131nda vaat etti\u011fi 50 milyon $\u2019l\u0131k krediyi serbest b\u0131rakmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, d\u0131\u015fi\u015fleri bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n Filistinli m\u00fcltecileri e\u011fitmeye y\u00f6nelik projesi de gerekli 4 milyon $ bulunamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilememi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrkiye, bar\u0131\u015f s\u00fcrecini ve Filistinlileri destekleme potansiyelini kullanamamaktad\u0131r. Bu durum \u00e7ok \u00fcz\u00fcc\u00fcd\u00fcr \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc T\u00fcrkiye \u0130srail ve Filistinliler aras\u0131ndaki iyiniyetli birka\u00e7 \u00fclkeden biridir. Bar\u0131\u015f s\u00fcrecindeki olumsuz geli\u015fmeler ve Filistinlilerin ma\u011fduriyeti T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin i\u00e7 siyasetini de do\u011frudan etkileyece\u011fi ve bundan radikal gruplarla T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin Ortado\u011fu\u2019daki rakipleri yararlanaca\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in, T\u00fcrkiye, bu iyiniyetini daha etkin bir bi\u00e7imde kullanmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Kemal Kirişçi Soğuk Savaş sırasında, Türkiye’nin dış ve güvenlik politikaları büyük ölçüde Avrupa’daki gelişmelerin ve iki blok arasındaki ilişkilerin bir fonksiyonu niteliğindeydi. Fakat Soğuk Savaş’ın sona ermesinden bu yana, Türkiye’nin ulusal çıkarları, Balkanlar’dan Karadeniz’e, Kafkasya’ya ve Orta Asya’ya kadar çevresindeki tüm bölgelerde güvenlik ve istikrarla çok yakından ilişkili hale gelmiştir. Türkiye aynı zamanda bir Ortadoğu […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_bbp_topic_count":0,"_bbp_reply_count":0,"_bbp_total_topic_count":0,"_bbp_total_reply_count":0,"_bbp_voice_count":0,"_bbp_anonymous_reply_count":0,"_bbp_topic_count_hidden":0,"_bbp_reply_count_hidden":0,"_bbp_forum_subforum_count":0,"ocean_post_layout":"","ocean_both_sidebars_style":"","ocean_both_sidebars_content_width":0,"ocean_both_sidebars_sidebars_width":0,"ocean_sidebar":"0","ocean_second_sidebar":"0","ocean_disable_margins":"enable","ocean_add_body_class":"","ocean_shortcode_before_top_bar":"","ocean_shortcode_after_top_bar":"","ocean_shortcode_before_header":"","ocean_shortcode_after_header":"","ocean_has_shortcode":"","ocean_shortcode_after_title":"","ocean_shortcode_before_footer_widgets":"","ocean_shortcode_after_footer_widgets":"","ocean_shortcode_before_footer_bottom":"","ocean_shortcode_after_footer_bottom":"","ocean_display_top_bar":"default","ocean_display_header":"default","ocean_header_style":"","ocean_center_header_left_menu":"0","ocean_custom_header_template":"0","ocean_custom_logo":0,"ocean_custom_retina_logo":0,"ocean_custom_logo_max_width":0,"ocean_custom_logo_tablet_max_width":0,"ocean_custom_logo_mobile_max_width":0,"ocean_custom_logo_max_height":0,"ocean_custom_logo_tablet_max_height":0,"ocean_custom_logo_mobile_max_height":0,"ocean_header_custom_menu":"0","ocean_menu_typo_font_family":"0","ocean_menu_typo_font_subset":"","ocean_menu_typo_font_size":0,"ocean_menu_typo_font_size_tablet":0,"ocean_menu_typo_font_size_mobile":0,"ocean_menu_typo_font_size_unit":"px","ocean_menu_typo_font_weight":"","ocean_menu_typo_font_weight_tablet":"","ocean_menu_typo_font_weight_mobile":"","ocean_menu_typo_transform":"","ocean_menu_typo_transform_tablet":"","ocean_menu_typo_transform_mobile":"","ocean_menu_typo_line_height":0,"ocean_menu_typo_line_height_tablet":0,"ocean_menu_typo_line_height_mobile":0,"ocean_menu_typo_line_height_unit":"","ocean_menu_typo_spacing":0,"ocean_menu_typo_spacing_tablet":0,"ocean_menu_typo_spacing_mobile":0,"ocean_menu_typo_spacing_unit":"","ocean_menu_link_color":"","ocean_menu_link_color_hover":"","ocean_menu_link_color_active":"","ocean_menu_link_background":"","ocean_menu_link_hover_background":"","ocean_menu_link_active_background":"","ocean_menu_social_links_bg":"","ocean_menu_social_hover_links_bg":"","ocean_menu_social_links_color":"","ocean_menu_social_hover_links_color":"","ocean_disable_title":"default","ocean_disable_heading":"default","ocean_post_title":"","ocean_post_subheading":"","ocean_post_title_style":"","ocean_post_title_background_color":"","ocean_post_title_background":0,"ocean_post_title_bg_image_position":"","ocean_post_title_bg_image_attachment":"","ocean_post_title_bg_image_repeat":"","ocean_post_title_bg_image_size":"","ocean_post_title_height":0,"ocean_post_title_bg_overlay":0.5,"ocean_post_title_bg_overlay_color":"","ocean_disable_breadcrumbs":"default","ocean_breadcrumbs_color":"","ocean_breadcrumbs_separator_color":"","ocean_breadcrumbs_links_color":"","ocean_breadcrumbs_links_hover_color":"","ocean_display_footer_widgets":"default","ocean_display_footer_bottom":"default","ocean_custom_footer_template":"0","ocean_post_oembed":"","ocean_post_self_hosted_media":"","ocean_post_video_embed":"","ocean_link_format":"","ocean_link_format_target":"self","ocean_quote_format":"","ocean_quote_format_link":"post","ocean_gallery_link_images":"off","ocean_gallery_id":[],"footnotes":""},"categories":[6],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-12367","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-arastirma-ana-sayfa","entry"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.circassiancenter.com\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/12367","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.circassiancenter.com\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.circassiancenter.com\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.circassiancenter.com\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.circassiancenter.com\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=12367"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/www.circassiancenter.com\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/12367\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":12369,"href":"https:\/\/www.circassiancenter.com\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/12367\/revisions\/12369"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.circassiancenter.com\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=12367"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.circassiancenter.com\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=12367"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.circassiancenter.com\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=12367"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}