{"id":12973,"date":"2019-04-01T09:58:34","date_gmt":"2019-04-01T14:58:34","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/circassiancenter.com\/tr\/?p=12973"},"modified":"2019-04-01T09:58:34","modified_gmt":"2019-04-01T14:58:34","slug":"cogunluk-istibdadi-ve-aydin","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.circassiancenter.com\/tr\/cogunluk-istibdadi-ve-aydin\/","title":{"rendered":"\u00c7O\u011eUNLUK \u0130ST\u0130BDADI VE AYDIN"},"content":{"rendered":"

<\/p>\n

Alev Alatl\u0131<\/b><\/p>\n

Demokrasiyi \u201cbireyin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerini ve iradesini ifade edebildi\u011fi sistem\u201d olarak tan\u0131mlad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda, iki varsay\u0131m yapar\u0131z: bir, birey d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce sahibidir; iki, birey irade sahibidir. Ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde, demokratik se\u00e7imler, bireylerin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce ve iradelerini belgelerler.\u00a0 Se\u00e7imlerde de ayn\u0131 varsay\u0131mlar ge\u00e7erlidir: bireyler d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce sahibidirler, bireyler irade sahibidirler. Bireylerin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce ve irade sahibi olmalar\u0131, demokrasinin olmazsa olmaz \u00f6nc\u00fclleridir. \u201cYap\u0131l\u0131rsa kaos, yap\u0131lmazsa kaos\u201d \u015feklinde, se\u00e7imle yat\u0131p, se\u00e7imle kalkt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z \u015fu g\u00fcnlerde g\u00f6zlemlediklerim beni i\u00e7inde bulundu\u011fumuz iklimde demokrasinin olmazsa \u00f6nc\u00fcllerini sorgulamaya sevkediyor.<\/p>\n

Ve korkar\u0131m ki, \u00fclkemizde d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin yerini \u201ckan\u0131\u201d ve \u201c\u00f6nyarg\u0131\u201dn\u0131n, iradenin yerini ise \u201cbeyeni\u201d ve \u201c\u00f6fke\u201dnin ald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcyorum.<\/p>\n

Dahas\u0131, se\u00e7menlerin kan\u0131lar\u0131 ve \u00f6nyarg\u0131lar\u0131, t\u0131pk\u0131 be\u011fenileri ve \u00f6fkeleri gibi g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc propaganda mekanizmalar\u0131 arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ile maniple ediliyor. Bu durum, \u201cd\u00fcnyan\u0131n her yerinde b\u00f6yledir\u201d \u015feklinde ge\u00e7i\u015ftirilecek do\u011fal bir durum de\u011fildir. Se\u00e7men iradesinin kolayca maniple edilebiliyor olmas\u0131, \u00fclkedeki yabanc\u0131la\u015fman\u0131n boyutlar\u0131na i\u015faret eder.<\/p>\n

\u201cBe\u011fendi\u011finizi\u201d s\u00f6yledi\u011finiz bir aday\u0131n \u00f6rne\u011fin \u201ch\u0131rs\u0131z\u201d oldu\u011funun kan\u0131tlanmas\u0131 durumunda, \u201colsun, ben yine de oyumu ona verece\u011fim\u201d diyorsan\u0131z, yabanc\u0131la\u015fma ak\u0131l hastal\u0131\u011f\u0131 boyutlar\u0131n\u0131 bulmu\u015f demektir.<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrklerin ahmak oldu\u011funa inananlardan de\u011filim. Cehaletin sadece resmi e\u011fitimle giderilebilece\u011fine inananlardan da de\u011filim. G\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm, ortalama se\u00e7menin do\u011fru bilgilendirilmiyor olmas\u0131. M\u00fcthi\u015f bir bilgisizlendirmenin (dezenformasyon) yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, bilgi sakarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n h\u00fck\u00fcm s\u00fcrmesi.<\/p>\n

Hal b\u00f6yle olunca, se\u00e7men g\u00fcnl\u00fck gazetesini sektirmeden okusa da, televizyon haberlerini ka\u00e7\u0131rmasa da olan biteni anlamland\u0131rmas\u0131, do\u011fru yorumlamas\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir. Okuduklar\u0131ndan ve duyduklar\u0131ndan somut, mant\u0131kl\u0131 bir d\u00fcnya g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc \u00e7\u0131karsamas\u0131 mucize olur.<\/p>\n

Hemen her olu\u015fum, ger\u00e7ek-d\u0131\u015f\u0131, belirsiz ve se\u00e7menin \u201ckendisinin-d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda\u201d cereyan etmektedir. \u00d6rne\u011fin, se\u00e7imin ertelenmesi i\u00e7in yap\u0131lan yalap\u015fap oylama gibi, adi su\u00e7lular\u0131n aday g\u00f6sterilmesi gibi, Gen\u00e7 Parti’nin y\u00fckseli\u015fi gibi olaylar, birer \u015faka gibi, bir oyunun i\u00e7indeki bulmaca unsurlar\u0131 gibi alg\u0131lanmakta, oy verecek \u015fahs\u0131n kendisinin ya da \u00e7ocuklar\u0131n\u0131n ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131 belirleyecek olan yap\u0131lanmalar olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclememektedirler.<\/p>\n

O an i\u00e7in g\u00f6zden d\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015f siyasilere ders vermek, denenmeyeni denemekten medet ummak gibi sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 murakabe edilmeyen \u00f6fke bo\u015faltmalar\u0131n\u0131n arzu edilen sonu\u00e7lara g\u00f6t\u00fcrmesi de m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir. \u00d6te yandan, \u201c\u00e7o\u011funluk\u201d egemenli\u011fi fikrinin bizatihi kendisinin se\u00e7meni olaylardan soyutland\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, yabanc\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 da g\u00f6zlemliyorum. \u015eu ya da bu partinin se\u00e7imleri kazanaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 il\u00e2n eden kamuoyu yoklamalar\u0131, bireylerin tercihlerini \u201cnafile\u201d k\u0131lmakta, adeta ellerini kollar\u0131n\u0131 ba\u011flamakta, \u201c\u00e7o\u011funluk\u201da teslim olmaya te\u015fvik etmektedir \u201c\u00c7o\u011funluk iradesi\u201dnin \u201caz\u0131nl\u0131k iradesi\u201d kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda y\u00fcceltilmesine, ge\u00e7mi\u015f y\u00fczy\u0131llarda krallara ya da feodal lordlara kar\u015f\u0131 kitlelerin istemlerini duyurmak amac\u0131yla reva\u00e7 verilmi\u015fti. Ard\u0131nda yatan, \u201caz\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131n istibdad\u0131ndansa \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fun yanl\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131 evl\u00e2d\u0131r\u201d \u015feklindeki anlay\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Eyvallah.<\/p>\n

Ancak, bu eyvallah, \u201c\u00e7o\u011funluk\u201dun isteklerinin her zaman \u201cdo\u011fru\u201d ya da \u201chakl\u0131\u201d oldu\u011fu anlam\u0131na gelmez. Tersine, yabanc\u0131la\u015fman\u0131n h\u00fck\u00fcm s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc toplumlarda \u00e7o\u011fu zaman tam tersi g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc kitlelerin kendileri d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki \u00e7\u0131karlar (\u00f6rne\u011fin, bir parti liderinin dokunulmazl\u0131k ihtiyac\u0131) uyar\u0131nca maniple edilmeleri s\u00f6z konusudur.<\/p>\n

Daha da k\u00f6t\u00fcs\u00fc, \u201cdemokrasi\u201dnin yerle\u015fmesi i\u00e7in g\u00f6sterilen \u00f6zen, \u201c\u00e7o\u011funluk\u201da dalkavukluk etmek e\u011filimini i\u00e7inde ta\u015f\u0131r. \u201cHalk\u0131n iste\u011fine sayg\u0131l\u0131 olmak gerekti\u011fi\u201d \u015feklinde geli\u015fen s\u00f6ylemin yanl\u0131\u015f\u0131 destekledi\u011fi, g\u00fc\u00e7lendirildi\u011fi g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr. Halk\u0131n iste\u011fi oldu\u011fu varsay\u0131lan\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131na kadim erdemlerle \u00e7\u0131kmak g\u00fc\u00e7le\u015fir. Bug\u00fcn, \u00fclkemiz bas\u0131n\u0131 ve ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n\u0131n \u201c\u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fun be\u011fenisine\u201d ters d\u00fc\u015fmekten sak\u0131nma, ger\u00e7ek d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceleri ya da bilgileri saklama \u00f6zenlerinin ard\u0131nda \u201cdemokrasiyi rakamlar rejiminden ibaret g\u00f6ren\u201d anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n yatt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rebilmeliyiz.<\/p>\n

Oysa, tekraren s\u00f6yledi\u011fim gibi, \u00e7o\u011funluk, \u201cdo\u011fru\u201dluk i\u00e7in bir arg\u00fcman de\u011fildir. Dahas\u0131, tarih \u015fahittir ki, politikada oldu\u011fu gibi, felsefede, il\u00e2hiyatta ve bilimde \u00f6zg\u00fcn d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceler az\u0131nl\u0131klardan kaynaklanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Di\u011fer bir deyi\u015fle, neyin do\u011fru neyin yanl\u0131\u015f oldu\u011funa taraftarlar\u0131n\u0131n say\u0131s\u0131 ile karar verilseydi, insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n ma\u011faradan \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 pek de m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olmazd\u0131. Bu s\u00f6yledi\u011fim, Jakoben bir y\u00f6netim bi\u00e7imine zemin haz\u0131rlamak olarak alg\u0131lanmamal\u0131d\u0131r. Tersine, bireylerin yabanc\u0131la\u015fmaktan kurtulmalar\u0131 i\u00e7in demokrasinin sahicile\u015ftirilmesi gerekti\u011fini ifade etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yorum. Demokrasinin sahicile\u015fmesinin ilk ad\u0131m\u0131, se\u00e7menlerin ya\u015famlar\u0131n\u0131 do\u011frudan etkileyen makul tercihler yapabilmeleri i\u00e7in gerekli do\u011fru bilgilerle donat\u0131lmalar\u0131d\u0131r. Burada ba\u015f\u0131 \u00e7ekmesi gereken \u00fclkenin ayd\u0131nlar\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Sanat\u00e7\u0131lar, sinemac\u0131lar, din ve bilim adamlar\u0131, ticaret adamlar\u0131, \u00fcreticiler, \u00f6\u011fretim \u00fcyeleri, il\u00e2h… bunlar ger\u00e7ekleri ve sadece ger\u00e7ekleri ifade etmek zorundad\u0131rlar. \u0130deolojik tercih bir \u015fey, o ideolojik tercihe mesnet te\u015fkil eden do\u011frular\u0131n ifadesi ayr\u0131 \u015feydir. D\u00fcne kadar hakk\u0131nda s\u00f6ylemediklerini b\u0131rakmad\u0131klar\u0131 bir siyasiye, \u201c\u00e7o\u011funluk\u201dun ondan yana oldu\u011fu ku\u015fkusunun belirmesiyle birlikte dalkavukluk yapmak, ahl\u00e2k \u015f\u00f6yle dursun, maddeci \u00e7\u0131karlar a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan da ak\u0131l k\u00e2r\u0131 de\u011fildir. \u0130ster Erdo\u011fan, ister \u00c7iller, ister Uzan olsun, \u00e7o\u011funluk dalkavuklu\u011funu \u201cde\u011fi\u015fti, de\u011fi\u015fmedi\u201d \u015feklinde tel\u00e2fi etmeye kalk\u0131\u015fmak, kendini kand\u0131rmaktan ibarettir. Kendini kand\u0131rmak ise, insan\u0131n elleriyle bir buza heykeli yapmas\u0131na ve ona tapmas\u0131na benzer. Yabanc\u0131la\u015fman\u0131n en sarih belirtilerindendir.<\/p>\n

Hi\u00e7bir toplumsal ya da siyasi d\u00fczenleme, insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n kadim de\u011ferlerinin ve ideallerinin \u00fczerinde olamaz. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde t\u00fcketim, sermaye ak\u0131\u015flar\u0131, tekelle\u015fme \u015feklinde yap\u0131lanan maddeci uygarl\u0131kta, \u0130sl\u00e2mi de\u011ferlerin ya\u015fayakalmalar\u0131 da m\u00fcmk\u00fcn g\u00f6r\u00fcnmemektedir. Buna kar\u015f\u0131n, farkl\u0131 dillerde konu\u015fmu\u015f, farkl\u0131 zamanlarda ya\u015fam\u0131\u015f, hatta farkl\u0131 dinlere mensup olmakla birlikte insan \u0131rk\u0131n\u0131n temel m\u00fceyyidelerini (normlar\u0131n\u0131) dile getirmi\u015f b\u00fcy\u00fck d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrler, en b\u00fcy\u00fck tehlikenin \u201cyabanc\u0131la\u015fmak,\u201d kendi kaderini kelimelere (yani sloganlara, reklamlara, \u015fark\u0131lara, g\u00f6r\u00fcnt\u00fclere) b\u0131rakmak oldu\u011fu hususunda birle\u015fmi\u015flerdir.<\/p>\n

Bu ba\u011flamda, ihtiyac\u0131m\u0131z yeni de\u011ferler, yeni erdemler de\u011fil, ciddiyet ve adanm\u0131\u015fl\u0131kt\u0131r. E\u011fitim sistemimiz, bug\u00fcn kendimizi i\u00e7inde buldu\u011fumuz ve se\u00e7imlere gitmekli\u011fimizin \u00e7\u00f6zemeyece\u011fini bildi\u011fimiz bunal\u0131ma sokmam\u0131z\u0131n ba\u015fl\u0131ca nedeni olarak kar\u015f\u0131m\u0131za \u00e7\u0131kmaktad\u0131r. \u201cE\u011fitim\u201d kelimenin ima etti\u011fi gibi, \u201c\u0131slah etmek,\u201d \u201ce\u011fmek\u201d \u00fczere d\u00fczenlenen bir faaliyet de\u011fil, ki\u015finin f\u0131trat\u0131nda zaten varolan\u0131 \u201ctahsil etmek\u201d olacak \u015fekilde mutlaka yeniden ele almal\u0131d\u0131r. Birey \u00fclkesinde bir yabanc\u0131 gibi ya\u015famamak i\u00e7in, olan biteni sadece akl\u0131yla de\u011fil, t\u00fcm duyular\u0131yla da alg\u0131layabilmeli; kan\u0131lar\u0131 ya da \u00f6nyarg\u0131lar\u0131 ile de\u011fil, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u015fekilde hareket edebilmeli; davran\u0131\u015flar\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerini yans\u0131tabilmelidir. \u0130nsan, hem m\u00fcmin hem de tefeci olamaz. Olamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, eylemlerini \u201co i\u015f ba\u015fka bu i\u015f ba\u015fka\u201d diye de ge\u00e7i\u015ftiremez.<\/p>\n

G\u00fcnl\u00fck ya\u015fam\u0131n sahici d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce ve inan\u00e7lar\u0131 yans\u0131tmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 durumlar, yabanc\u0131la\u015fman\u0131n h\u00fck\u00fcm s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc durumlard\u0131r. Siyaset, felsefe, bilim, ahl\u00e2k ve inan\u00e7 birbirinden ayr\u0131 kompart\u0131manlarda ya\u015fanamaz. Siyaset, felsefe, bilim ve inanc\u0131n birbirinde kopmas\u0131 durumunda, ciddiyet ve adanm\u0131\u015fl\u0131k i\u00e7leri bo\u015f kelimelerden ibaret kalmaya mahk\u00fbmdur. \u00dclkemizin hi\u00e7 olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 kadar derin bir bunal\u0131mda oldu\u011fu kan\u0131s\u0131nday\u0131m. Bir avu\u00e7 mutlu az\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda, co\u015fkuyu, inanc\u0131 ve ger\u00e7eklik duygusunu kaybettik. Alg\u0131lam\u0131yoruz, ak\u0131l y\u00fcr\u00fctm\u00fcyoruz ve sevmiyoruz. Ne birbirimizi, ne de \u00fclkemizi, ne de kendimizi.<\/p>\n

Bu hale nas\u0131l geldik diye d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcmde de iki a\u015fama g\u00f6r\u00fcyorum: \u00f6nce i\u00e7imizdeki Allah\u2019\u0131 \u00f6ld\u00fcrd\u00fck, sonra da onun e\u015fref-i mahl\u00fbkat\u0131n\u0131. Ge\u00e7mi\u015fteki tehlike demokrasinin olmamas\u0131 tehlikesiydi, bug\u00fcnk\u00fc tehlike robotla\u015fmak, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnememek tehlikesidir. \u00c7\u0131k\u0131\u015f yolu yok mudur? Elbette, vard\u0131r. \u00d6ncelikle yap\u0131lacak \u015fey, insanlar\u0131 rakamlara indirgememek, rakamlara indirgenen insanlar\u0131n \u00f6zel \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n kalkan\u0131 olarak kullan\u0131lmalar\u0131na izin vermeyecek fark\u0131ndal\u0131\u011f\u0131 yaratmakt\u0131r. Fark\u0131ndal\u0131\u011f\u0131n yarat\u0131lmas\u0131, do\u011fru bilgilendirmeyle m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. Do\u011fru bilgilendirme ise ayd\u0131n sorumlulu\u011fudur. Aksi ihanettir, ihanet sadece kurban\u0131n de\u011fil, hainin de kuyusunu kazar.<\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Alev Alatlı Demokrasiyi “bireyin düşüncelerini ve iradesini ifade edebildiği sistem” olarak tanımladığımızda, iki varsayım yaparız: bir, birey düşünce sahibidir; iki, birey irade sahibidir. Aynı şekilde, demokratik seçimler, bireylerin düşünce ve iradelerini belgelerler.  Seçimlerde de aynı varsayımlar geçerlidir: bireyler düşünce sahibidirler, bireyler irade sahibidirler. Bireylerin düşünce ve irade sahibi olmaları, demokrasinin olmazsa olmaz öncülleridir. “Yapılırsa kaos, 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