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Emrah Denizhan<\/b><\/span> \u00d6zet<\/strong><\/p>\n SSCB\u2019nin da\u011f\u0131lmas\u0131ndan sonra Kafkasya ve Orta Asya co\u011frafyas\u0131nda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan yeni devletlerle kurulacak ili\u015fkiler meselesi, So\u011fuk Sava\u015f d\u00f6neminde Bat\u0131 ile kurdu\u011fu g\u00fcvenlik ba\u011flant\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 temel alan ve g\u00f6reli olarak stat\u00fckoculu\u011fa dayanan geleneksel d\u0131\u015f politikas\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmenin imkans\u0131z oldu\u011funu g\u00f6ren T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin 1990\u2019lar boyunca d\u0131\u015f politika g\u00fcndeminde \u00f6nemli bir yer tuttu. Yeni kurulan devletler i\u00e7in \u201cmodel\u201d olma konusunda, b\u00f6lgeye kom\u015fu Rusya, \u0130ran ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin de i\u00e7erisinde yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7eki\u015fme, d\u0131\u015f politikada bu yeni ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan devletlerle ekonomik, sosyal ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel i\u015fbirli\u011fini sa\u011flayacak yeni ve daha dinamik bir yap\u0131lanman\u0131n gereklili\u011fini g\u00f6sterdi.<\/em><\/p>\n Bu \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmada, So\u011fuk Sava\u015f sonras\u0131 T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin Orta Asya ve Kafkaslarda izledi\u011fi politikalarda, daha etkili ve dinamik i\u015fbirli\u011fi s\u00fcre\u00e7leri geli\u015ftirmek \u00fczere kurulan T\u0130KA\u2019n\u0131n d\u0131\u015f politikadaki yeri a\u00e7\u0131klan\u0131p, 1990\u2019lardaki faaliyetleri ile 2000\u2019li y\u0131llarda ge\u00e7irdi\u011fi d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin d\u0131\u015f politikas\u0131nda ya\u015fanan de\u011fi\u015fimlerle olan paralelli\u011fi ve bunun niteli\u011fi tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lacakt\u0131r.<\/em>\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n So\u011fuk Sava\u015f\u2019\u0131n bitmesiyle uluslararas\u0131 sistem yeniden bir yap\u0131lanma s\u00fcrecine girmi\u015ftir. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7 i\u00e7erisinde, kurulu\u015fundan beri d\u0131\u015f politikas\u0131n\u0131 \u201cBat\u0131 ittifak sistemleri i\u00e7inde yer alma\u201d ve \u201cstat\u00fckoculuk\u201d ekseninde olu\u015fturan T\u00fcrkiye, So\u011fuk Sava\u015f s\u00fcresince, Bat\u0131 ile \u201cjeostratejik\u00f6nemini\u201d kullanarak kurdu\u011fu ekonomik, politik ve askeri ili\u015fkilerin devaml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 fark etmi\u015ftir. So\u011fuk Sava\u015f\u2019\u0131n bitmesiyle, \u00f6zellikle Avrupa \u00fclkeleri giderek daha\u201cg\u00fcvenli\u201d bir ortama kavu\u015furken, T\u00fcrkiye, \u00fc\u00e7 yan\u0131nda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan yeni \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma b\u00f6lgelerinin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 sorunlarla kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya gelmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n 1980\u2019lerde AT ile ili\u015fkilerin t\u0131kanmas\u0131, 1990\u2019larda SSCB\u2019nin da\u011f\u0131lmas\u0131 ve Kafkasya\u2019da, Orta Asya\u2019da yeni devletlerin ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin d\u0131\u015f politika g\u00fcndeminde \u201cAvrasya se\u00e7ene\u011fi\u201dni tart\u0131\u015fmaya a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Kafkaslar ve Orta Asya\u2019da ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan yeni devletlerle kurulan ili\u015fkiler,T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin geleneksel d\u0131\u015f politika \u00e7izgisinde k\u00f6kl\u00fc bir de\u011fi\u015fime i\u015faret etmektedir. Bu yaz\u0131da, bu de\u011fi\u015fim s\u00fcrecinin ulusal ve uluslararas\u0131 dinamikleri incelenip, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin b\u00f6lgeye olan ilgisinin ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 1990\u2019lar\u0131n ba\u015flar\u0131ndan itibaren y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc politikalar\u0131nda, hem nitelik hem nicelik olarak ya\u015fanan geli\u015fmeler ortaya konulacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n B\u00f6lgede yeni kurulan devletler ile kurulan ili\u015fkilere bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda, de\u011fi\u015fim s\u00fcrecini kapsayan1989-1991 d\u00f6neminde T\u00fcrkiye, hen\u00fcz belirsizli\u011fini koruyan ve nereye gidece\u011fi belli olmayan Sovyet cumhuriyetlerindeki milliyet\u00e7i hareketlere kar\u015f\u0131 ilgisiz, Moskova merkezli bir d\u0131\u015f politika izledi. Orta Asya – Kafkas \u00fclkelerinin birbiri ard\u0131na ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 ilan etmelerini takip eden1991-1995 d\u00f6neminde ise T\u00fcrkiye bu devletleri tan\u0131yan ilk devlet olarak b\u00f6lgede model ve lider olma \u00e7abas\u0131na giri\u015fti. Rusya Federasyonu\u2019nu g\u00f6z ard\u0131 eden, hatta b\u00f6lgedeki Rus etkisini k\u0131rmaya y\u00f6nelik aktif bir politika izledi. Ayn\u0131 d\u00f6nemde T\u00fcrkiye, Rusya ve \u0130ran ile bir rekabete girmi\u015f, T\u00fcrk\u00e7\u00fc-Turanc\u0131 s\u00f6ylemlerin e\u015fli\u011finde ve b\u00f6lgede ya\u015fanan de\u011fi\u015fimlerin heyecan\u0131yla, plans\u0131z, programs\u0131z bir d\u0131\u015f politika izlemi\u015ftir. Bunu takip eden s\u00fcre\u00e7te ise SSCB\u2019nin da\u011f\u0131lmas\u0131ndan do\u011fan bo\u015flu\u011fu Rusya Federasyonu\u2019nun dolduraca\u011f\u0131 anla\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, T\u00fcrkiye kendi yetersizliklerini ve s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n fark\u0131na varm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. 1995\u2019ten g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcze gelen s\u00fcre\u00e7 i\u00e7inde T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin, hem kendi g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc hem de b\u00f6lgesel ger\u00e7ekleri daha iyi tahlil eden, Rusya\u2019y\u0131 d\u0131\u015flamayan, daha ger\u00e7ek\u00e7i, dengeli ve kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 i\u015fbirli\u011fine dayal\u0131 politikalar geli\u015ftirme \u00e7abas\u0131 i\u00e7inde oldu\u011fu g\u00f6zlemleniyor. (Ayd\u0131n,2004:379)<\/p>\n Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7 i\u00e7inde T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin b\u00f6lgedeki d\u0131\u015f politikas\u0131 siyasi n\u00fcfuz elde etme aray\u0131\u015f\u0131ndan giderek ekonomik i\u015fbirli\u011fini geli\u015ftirme eksenine kaym\u0131\u015f, T\u00fcrkiye b\u00f6lgede kendini Rusya\u2019n\u0131n yerine ge\u00e7ebilecek \u201cyeni bir b\u00fcy\u00fck a\u011fabey\u201d olamayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 anlay\u0131p, b\u00f6lge \u00fclkelerinin yeniden yap\u0131lanmalar\u0131 ve kalk\u0131nmalar\u0131 i\u00e7in ekonomik i\u015fbirli\u011fi alanlar\u0131 yaratan bir yumu\u015fak g\u00fc\u00e7 (soft power) olarak varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu politika de\u011fi\u015fimin \u00f6nemli bir aya\u011f\u0131 T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de T\u0130KA\u2019 n\u0131n kurulmas\u0131d\u0131r. 27 Ocak 1992\u2019de D\u0131\u015fi\u015fleri Bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131\u2019na ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak faaliyete ba\u015flayan T\u0130KA\u2019n\u0131n bu de\u011fi\u015fim s\u00fcrecinde, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin kurumlar aras\u0131 b\u00fcrokratik m\u00fccadele alan\u0131 i\u00e7erisinde, kurulu\u015f metninde belirtilen amaca y\u00f6nelik faaliyetlerini hayata ge\u00e7irmekte etkin olamad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz. 1990\u2019lar boyunca T\u0130KA, yukar\u0131da bahsedilen d\u00f6nemlendirmeye paralellik g\u00f6steren bir \u015fekilde hem yap\u0131s\u0131nda hem de i\u015fleyi\u015finde \u00f6nemli d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmlerden ge\u00e7mi\u015f ve 2000\u2019li y\u0131llarda kurulu\u015funda model olarak al\u0131nan Japon Uluslararas\u0131 \u0130\u015fbirli\u011fi Ajans\u0131\u2019n\u0131n (JICA) i\u015fleyi\u015fine benzerlik g\u00f6stermeye ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. (Balc\u0131,Ye\u015filta\u015f, 2005: 172)<\/p>\n Bu \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmada T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin b\u00f6lgeye y\u00f6nelik politikalar\u0131 de\u011fi\u015fim\/s\u00fcreklilik ekseninde incelenecek ve teknik yard\u0131m kurulu\u015fu olarak kurulan T\u0130KA\u2019n\u0131n T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin d\u0131\u015f politika hedeflerinin belirlenmesinde ve bu hedeflere ula\u015fmada etkin olup olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve bunlar\u0131n nedenleri \u00fczerinde durulacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n 1980\u2019ler hem uluslar aras\u0131 sistemde hem de T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen k\u00f6kl\u00fc de\u011fi\u015fimlere sahne oldu.<\/p>\n \u00d6ncelikle Reagan\u2019\u0131n ABD ba\u015fkan\u0131 olmas\u0131yla So\u011fuk Sava\u015f, 1960\u2019larda ba\u015flayan 20 y\u0131ll\u0131k yumu\u015fama d\u00f6neminin ard\u0131ndan tekrar sertle\u015fen bir ivme kazand\u0131. Yine ayn\u0131 s\u00fcre\u00e7 i\u00e7inde, neoliberal politikalar\u0131n yayg\u0131nla\u015fmas\u0131 uluslararas\u0131 sistemin i\u015fleyi\u015finde yap\u0131sal bir d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm yaratt\u0131.<\/p>\n Uluslararas\u0131 siyaset, giderek keskin \u00e7ift-kutuplu sistemden, finansal hareketlerin merkezi bir rol oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131, serbest ticaretle \u00fclkeler aras\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n artt\u0131\u011f\u0131, ABD hegemonyas\u0131nda i\u015fleyen tek-kutuplu bir yap\u0131ya d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc.<\/p>\n T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de 12 Eyl\u00fcl d\u00f6nemine denk d\u00fc\u015fen bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te, \u00f6zellikle 24 Ocak Kararlar\u0131yla birlikte bu yap\u0131ya uygun d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmler ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirildi. \u0130thal \u0130kameci S\u0131naile\u015fme modeli, yerini \u00d6zal\u2019\u0131n ihracat\u0131 geli\u015ftirme merkezli kalk\u0131nma modeli ald\u0131. \u00d6zal d\u00f6neminde, geleneksel d\u0131\u015f politikan\u0131n de\u011fi\u015fece\u011fine y\u00f6nelik ilk sinyaller verilmeye ba\u015flanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. \u00d6zellikle \u00d6zal\u2019\u0131n d\u0131\u015f politika belirleme ve uygulama s\u00fcre\u00e7lerinde geleneksel D\u0131\u015fi\u015fleri b\u00fcrokrasisini by-pass etme \u00e7abalar\u0131 bu sinyallere \u00f6rnek olarak g\u00f6sterilebilir.<\/p>\n \u00d6zal d\u00f6nemi T\u00fcrk d\u0131\u015f politikas\u0131 kom\u015fularla ya\u015fanan sorunlar\u0131n k\u0131skac\u0131nda geli\u015fti. Yunanistan ileEge ve K\u0131br\u0131s sorunlar\u0131, Bulgaristan\u2019da T\u00fcrklere y\u00f6nelik bask\u0131lardan kaynaklanan sorunlar,\u0130ran\u2019da ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen \u0130slami devrimin yay\u0131lmas\u0131ndan duyulan korku, K\u00fcrt ve Ermeni Sorunlar\u0131n\u0131n uluslararas\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi \u00e7ok-y\u00f6nl\u00fc d\u0131\u015f politika \u00fcretme konusunda t\u0131kanma noktas\u0131na getirdi.<\/p>\n Bu d\u00f6nemde \u00d6zal\u2019\u0131n ihracat\u0131 bir d\u0131\u015f politika arac\u0131 olarak g\u00f6rme e\u011filimi, mevcut iktisat politikalar\u0131n\u0131n planl\u0131 olmayan, \u00e7arp\u0131k yap\u0131s\u0131ndan dolay\u0131 i\u015flevsellik kazanamad\u0131. 24 Ocak kararlar\u0131yla ile ba\u015flayan T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin d\u0131\u015fa a\u00e7\u0131k serbest piyasa ekonomisine ge\u00e7i\u015finde, o d\u00f6nem i\u00e7in radikal say\u0131labilecek baz\u0131 politikalar izlenmi\u015ftir. \u00d6ncelikle ithal ikamesinden ihracata y\u00f6nelik sanayile\u015fme modeline ge\u00e7i\u015f s\u00fcreci yabanc\u0131 sermayenin \u00fclkeye \u00e7ekilmesiyle g\u00fc\u00e7lendirilmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015f. Program dahilinde kambiyo rejimi serbestle\u015ftirilmi\u015f, kotalar\u0131n kald\u0131r\u0131lmaya ba\u015flanmas\u0131yla ithalat serbest b\u0131rak\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ayr\u0131ca bu d\u00f6nemde T\u00fcrk Liras\u0131n\u0131n s\u00fcrekli de\u011fer kaybetmesi, T\u00fcrk men\u015fei \u00fcr\u00fcnlerin yurt d\u0131\u015f\u0131 rekabet edilebilirli\u011finin y\u00fckselmesi anlam\u0131nda olumlu kar\u015f\u0131lanm\u0131\u015f, ihracat\u0131n artmas\u0131 i\u00e7in yeni te\u015fvikler ve d\u00fczenlemeler uygulamaya sokulmu\u015ftur. B\u00fct\u00fcn bu yap\u0131sal de\u011fi\u015fime ra\u011fmen \u00fczerinde durulmas\u0131 gereken, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin hem 1980\u2019ler boyunca hem de 1990\u2019larda \u00f6demeler dengesini neden d\u00fczeltemedi\u011fi ve ekonomik darbo\u011fazdan ve krizlerden neden kurtulamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 sorunudur. Bu sorunun iktisadi parametreleri \u00fczerinde detayl\u0131 bir inceleme yapmak bu yaz\u0131n\u0131n konusunu olu\u015fturmamakta, ancak bu s\u00fcrece d\u0131\u015f politikada ya\u015fanan a\u00e7mazlar\u0131n ve sorunlar\u0131n etkisi \u00fczerinde durulmas\u0131 \u00f6nem arz etmektedir. (Bilgin,2005:91)<\/p>\n D\u0131\u015f politika\u2019n\u0131n \u00f6zellikle kom\u015fularla ya\u015fanan sorunlardan dolay\u0131 bir t\u0131kanma s\u00fcrecine girdi\u011fi d\u00f6nem, ayn\u0131 zamanda SSCB\u2019nin o d\u00f6nem i\u00e7in beklenmeyen da\u011f\u0131lma s\u00fcreciyle birle\u015fmi\u015f ve T\u00fcrkiye ihracat temelli politikas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011fl\u0131kl\u0131 bir \u015fekilde y\u00fcr\u00fctmesine engel olan 3 \u00f6nemli \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma b\u00f6lgesiyle \u00e7evrelenmi\u015ftir. Bu b\u00f6lgelerden biri, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin geleneksel d\u0131\u015f politika \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde o g\u00fcne kadar ihmal edilen Avrasya b\u00f6lgesidir. So\u011fuk Sava\u015f sonras\u0131 T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin Kafkasya-Orta Asya politikas\u0131n\u0131n i\u00e7inde olu\u015ftu\u011fu \u00e7er\u00e7eve \u015f\u00f6yle \u00e7izilebilir:<\/p>\n 1991\u2019 in sonuna gelindi\u011finde T\u00fcrkiye, b\u00f6lgede yeni ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan 15 yeni devleti tan\u0131yan ilk devlet olma \u00f6zelli\u011fini kullanarak \u00f6zellikle T\u00fcrki cumhuriyetlerle s\u0131k\u0131 diplomatik ili\u015fki i\u00e7erisine girdi.<\/p>\n Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 yeni kazanan devletler o d\u00f6nem i\u00e7in T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin uluslar aras\u0131 alanda verece\u011fi deste\u011fe ihtiya\u00e7 duyuyorlard\u0131. K\u0131sa bir zaman i\u00e7inde T\u00fcrkiye b\u00f6lgedeki devletlere daha sonradan yerine getiremedi\u011fi iktisadi ve siyasi vaatlerde bulundu. Yeni kurulan devletlere model olma konusunda hem ABD\u2019nin hem de AB\u2019nin deste\u011fini alan T\u00fcrkiye, kendisini bu konuda ba\u015fta Rusya olmak \u00fczere b\u00f6lgeye kom\u015fu \u0130ran gibi g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc devletlerle rekabet halinde buldu. (Ayd\u0131n,2004:367)<\/p>\n Bu rekabet i\u00e7erisinde T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin yapt\u0131klar\u0131 ve yapamad\u0131klar\u0131 ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 olarak a\u015fa\u011f\u0131da incelenecektir.<\/p>\n 2.1. Bir Alternatif mi Yoksa Zorunluluk mu? : 1990\u2019larda Kafkasya \u2013Orta Asya ile \u0130li\u015fkiler<\/strong><\/p>\n Eyl\u00fcl 1991\u2019de b\u00f6lgedeki geli\u015fmeleri daha sa\u011fl\u0131kl\u0131 de\u011ferlendirebilmek ve daha do\u011fru kararlar verebilmek i\u00e7in T\u00fcrkiye incelemelerde bulunmak \u00fczere b\u00f6lge \u00fclkelerine iki heyet g\u00f6nderdi.<\/p>\n B\u00f6ylece T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin b\u00f6lgeye y\u00f6nelik aktif politikas\u0131 ba\u015flam\u0131\u015f oldu. Ard\u0131ndan 1991 y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131n sonunda T\u00fcrkiye yeni kurulan 15 devleti tan\u0131yarak, bu devletlere uluslar aras\u0131 alanda destek s\u00f6z\u00fc verdi. Sonraki s\u00fcre\u00e7te ise T\u00fcrkiye Rusya\u2019y\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131na alarak b\u00f6lgede siyasi n\u00fcfuz elde etmeye ve b\u00f6lge \u00fclkeleri, \u00f6zellikle de T\u00fcrki Cumhuriyetler i\u00e7in model olmak i\u00e7in \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n \u0130zlenen bu siyasetin belirli bir plan-program dahilinde geli\u015fmemesi 1990\u2019lar s\u00fcresince T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi b\u00f6lge \u00fclkeleri nezdinde zor duruma d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrd\u00fc. \u00d6zellikle Rusya ve \u0130ran, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi bu d\u00f6nem boyunca Turanc\u0131 politikalar pe\u015finde olmakla su\u00e7lad\u0131lar. T\u00fcrkiye i\u00e7 siyasetinde kendini g\u00f6stermeye ba\u015flayan \u201cAdriyatik\u2019ten \u00c7in Seddine T\u00fcrk D\u00fcnyas\u0131\u201d ve 21. Y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n \u201cT\u00fcrk Y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131\u201d olaca\u011f\u0131na dair s\u00f6ylemler, bu su\u00e7lamalar\u0131 adeta destekler boyutlara ula\u015ft\u0131. (Tellal,2005:50) Ancak k\u0131sa zaman sonra fark edildi ki T\u00fcrkiye, Rusya\u2019n\u0131n b\u00f6lge \u00fczerindeki etkinli\u011fini hesaba katmadan b\u00f6lge devletleriyle hi\u00e7bir alanda i\u015fbirli\u011fi s\u00fcre\u00e7leri geli\u015ftiremezdi. Sovyet d\u00f6neminden kalan ekonomik ve askeri ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k, Rusya\u2019y\u0131 b\u00f6lge \u00fclkeleri nezdinde en \u00f6nemli akt\u00f6r konumunu korumas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ayr\u0131ca ba\u015fta Kazakistan olmak \u00fczere T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin b\u00f6lge \u00fclkelerine \u201cmodel\u201d olma konusunda bu \u00fclkelerin g\u00fcvenini kazanamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 da a\u015fikard\u0131r. Bunun en a\u00e7\u0131k \u00f6rne\u011fi 1992\u2019deger\u00e7ekle\u015fen \u201cT\u00fcrk\u00e7e Konu\u015fan \u00dclkeler Devlet Ba\u015fkanlar\u0131 Zirvesi\u201d dir. Bu zirvede T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin b\u00f6lge i\u00e7in d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc politikalar\u0131n \u00e7o\u011funun daha ba\u015ftan uygulanamaz oldu\u011fu anla\u015f\u0131ld\u0131. \u00d6ncelikle gelen liderlerin \u00e7o\u011fu Rus\u00e7a konu\u015fuyordu ve b\u00f6lgede T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin \u00f6ng\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc Rusya\u2019y\u0131 d\u0131\u015far\u0131da b\u0131rakan politikalara set\u00e7e kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131lar. Demirel\u2019in b\u00f6lge ekonomilerinin Rus Rublesi\u2019nin etkisinden \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131na y\u00f6nelik talepleri reddedildi. \u00d6zal\u2019\u0131n b\u00f6lgenin zengin petrol ve do\u011falgaz kaynaklar\u0131n\u0131n Rusya\u2019y\u0131 d\u0131\u015far\u0131da b\u0131rakacak \u015fekilde T\u00fcrkiye \u00fczerinden d\u00fcnya pazar\u0131na sunulmas\u0131 \u00f6nerisi ise, Rusya\u2019n\u0131n b\u00f6lge devletlerine y\u00f6nelik sert uyar\u0131lar\u0131 do\u011frultusunda sonu\u00e7suz kald\u0131.<\/p>\n Ayr\u0131ca T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin T\u00fcrk d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131n faaliyetlerini e\u015fg\u00fcd\u00fcmle\u015fecek ulus-\u00fcst\u00fc bir mekanizman\u0131n olu\u015fturulmas\u0131na y\u00f6nelik \u00f6nerisi, ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 yeni kazanan bu devletlerin tepkisiyle kar\u015f\u0131land\u0131. Bu zirvenin T\u00fcrkiye i\u00e7in hayal k\u0131r\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla sonu\u00e7lanmas\u0131n\u0131n en \u00f6nemli nedeni T\u00fcrk y\u00f6neticilerin yanl\u0131\u015f hesaplar\u0131yd\u0131. (Ayd\u0131n,2004:389)<\/p>\n Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 kazand\u0131klar\u0131 s\u00fcre\u00e7te T\u00fcrkiye bu \u00fclkelerde ya\u015fanan geli\u015fmeleri iyi tahlil edemedi.<\/p>\n \u00d6ncelikle b\u00f6lge genelinde her \u00fclkede Rus az\u0131nl\u0131klar\u0131n olu\u015fu \u2013 ki Kazakistan n\u00fcfusunun %41’ini Ruslar olu\u015fturur- b\u00f6lge \u00fclkelerinin izleyece\u011fi d\u0131\u015f politikay\u0131 belli bir \u00e7er\u00e7evede Rus d\u0131\u015f politikas\u0131yla uyumla\u015ft\u0131rma e\u011filimine y\u00f6neltmi\u015ftir. Ayr\u0131ca T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin sahip oldu\u011fu s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 ekonomik kaynaklar\u0131 fark eden yeni cumhuriyetler, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin kendilerine ne ekonomik ne de siyasi y\u00f6nden model olamayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve ikili ili\u015fkilerin geli\u015fme s\u00fcrecinde verilen vaatlerin ger\u00e7ekle\u015femeyece\u011fini anlad\u0131lar.<\/p>\n T\u00fcrkiye a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan yukar\u0131da basit\u00e7e \u00e7er\u00e7evesini \u00e7izdi\u011fim d\u0131\u015f politika alg\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n merkezinde, t\u0131kanan d\u0131\u015f politika \u00fcretme s\u00fcrecinde Avrasya b\u00f6lgesinin yeni f\u0131rsatlara a\u00e7\u0131k bir alan olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclmesi vard\u0131r. Bu alg\u0131 \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde Avrasya d\u0131\u015f politika i\u00e7in yukar\u0131da sayd\u0131\u011f\u0131m geli\u015fmelerden \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fc bir alternatif olmaktan \u00e7ok uzakt\u0131r. Yetmi\u015f y\u0131ll\u0131k d\u0131\u015f siyasetini Bat\u0131 ile ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdi\u011fi ekonomik,siyasi, askeri i\u015fbirli\u011fi \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmi\u015f, T\u00fcrkiye i\u00e7in Avrasya her anlamda yabanc\u0131 topraklard\u0131r. Ortak dile, k\u00fclt\u00fcre ve tarihe vurgu yaparak T\u00fcrki cumhuriyetlerle kurulmak istenen ili\u015fkilerin geli\u015fim s\u00fcrecinin de g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi \u00fczere T\u00fcrkiye ile bu co\u011frafyada ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan yeni devletler aras\u0131nda \u2013Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131 ayr\u0131 tutarsak- derin bir kopukluk mevcuttur. Bunun yan\u0131 s\u0131ra b\u00f6lge \u00fclkelerinin ortak sosyalist ge\u00e7mi\u015fi, Rus dilinin ortak dil olarak kullan\u0131lmas\u0131 ve b\u00f6lge i\u00e7i ekonomik ba\u011flar\u0131n g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc olmas\u0131 gibi unsurlar, ba\u015fta Rusya olmak \u00fczere, b\u00f6lge \u00fclkelerinde T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi, hem k\u00fclt\u00fcrel hem de siyasi tan\u0131mlamada Avrasya d\u0131\u015f\u0131 bir \u00fclke olarak g\u00f6rme e\u011filimi mevcuttur. Bunun en somut \u00f6rne\u011fi, i\u00e7inde T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin yer almad\u0131\u011f\u0131 Avrasya Ekonomik Toplulu\u011fu\u2019nun 2000 y\u0131l\u0131nda kurulmas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin Kafkasya-Orta Asya b\u00f6lgesi \u00fczerinde siyasi n\u00fcfuz elde etme politikalar\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131kla sonu\u00e7lanmas\u0131 \u00fczerine, bu b\u00f6lgeyle kurulacak ili\u015fki \u00f6zellikle belirsizli\u011fini koruyan AB ile b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fme s\u00fcrecinin zorunlu ve tamamlay\u0131c\u0131 bir par\u00e7as\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. Avrasya ile kurulacak ili\u015fkilerin bir zorunluluk olarak alg\u0131lanmas\u0131ndan sonrad\u0131r ki T\u00fcrkiye b\u00f6lgeye y\u00f6nelik politikalar\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fi\u015ftirmi\u015f ve kendisini b\u00f6lgede ekonomik temelli i\u015fbirli\u011fine \u00f6ncelik veren bir yumu\u015fak g\u00fc\u00e7 olarak sunmu\u015ftur. Bu zorunlulu\u011fun arkas\u0131nda, ba\u015fta petrol ve do\u011falgaz gibi T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin ihracat\u0131n\u0131 art\u0131rmaya y\u00f6nelik ekonomik geli\u015fme modeli i\u00e7in elzem nitelikte olan ucuz enerji ihtiyac\u0131 vard\u0131r.<\/p>\n T\u0130KA, b\u00f6ylesi bir politik de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fin olu\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n gereklili\u011finin anla\u015f\u0131lmaya ba\u015fland\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir ortamda 1992 y\u0131l\u0131nda D\u0131\u015fi\u015fleri Bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131\u2019na ba\u011fl\u0131 teknik yard\u0131m kurulu\u015fu olarak kuruldu. Kurulu\u015f amac\u0131, \u00f6ncelikle T\u00fcrk dilinin konu\u015fuldu\u011fu \u00fclkelerle ekonomik, sosyal ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel faaliyetler y\u00fcr\u00fctmek, geli\u015fim yolunda olan \u00fclkelerin kalk\u0131nmas\u0131na yard\u0131m etmekti. Kurulu\u015fu takip eden y\u0131llara bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda \u00f6zellikle T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin i\u00e7inde bulundu\u011fu ekonomik darbo\u011fazdan dolay\u0131 T\u0130KA\u2019n\u0131n faaliyetlerine kaynak bulmada s\u0131k\u0131nt\u0131 ya\u015fand\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz. Ayr\u0131ca 1995\u2019e kadar ge\u00e7en s\u00fcre\u00e7te T\u0130KA\u2019n\u0131n b\u00fcrokrasi i\u00e7i \u00e7eki\u015fmelere sahne oldu\u011funu T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin \u00e7ok yanl\u0131\u015f bir \u015fekilde izledi\u011fi Kafkasya-Orta Asya b\u00f6lgesinde siyasi n\u00fcfuz sa\u011flama ad\u0131na giri\u015filen ya da d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclen darbe planlar\u0131n\u0131n bir arac\u0131 oldu\u011funu g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz. \u00d6zbekistan\u2019da Kerimov\u2019a, Azerbaycan\u2019da Aliyev\u2019e y\u00f6nelik darbe planlar\u0131nda T\u0130KA g\u00f6revlilerinin yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00f6ylentileri, O d\u00f6nem itibariyle T\u0130KA\u2019n\u0131n imaj\u0131n\u0131 b\u00f6lge devletleri nezdinde sarsmaya yetmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n 1995\u2019ten sonra T\u0130KA\u2019n\u0131n b\u00f6lgeye y\u00f6nelik faaliyetlerinin yo\u011funla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, \u00f6zellikle e\u011fitim vek\u00fclt\u00fcrel i\u015fbirli\u011fi \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde, b\u00f6lgede okullar\u0131n ve k\u00fclt\u00fcr merkezlerinin a\u00e7\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de y\u00fcksek\u00f6\u011frenim g\u00f6rmek \u00fczere T\u00fcrki Cumhuriyetlerin vatanda\u015flar\u0131na burslar\u0131n tahsis edildi\u011fini g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz. Bu geli\u015fmelere paralel olarak T\u00fcrkiye ucuz enerji ihtiyac\u0131n\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131lamak ad\u0131na bu d\u00f6nemde faaliyetlere ba\u015flam\u0131\u015f, bunun neticesinde Bak\u00fc-Ceyhan boru hatt\u0131 projesi ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n T\u00fcm bu faaliyetler, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda kalma riski ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 Avrasya b\u00f6lgesi i\u00e7in, b\u00f6lgesel dengeleri iy\u0131 okuyan ve ekonomik i\u015fbirli\u011fini ve kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 geli\u015ftiren Joseph Nye\u2019\u0131n kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 anlam\u0131yla bir yumu\u015fak g\u00fcce (soft power) d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrme s\u00fcreci olarak da okunabilir.<\/p>\n 2000\u2019li y\u0131llara girilirken i\u00e7 siyasette ya\u015fanan dalgalanmalar, b\u00f6lgeyle kurulan ili\u015fkileri de etkileyecek, pe\u015fi s\u0131ra gelen siyasi ve ekonomik krizler T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin b\u00f6lgeye y\u00f6nelik politikalar\u0131n\u0131n yo\u011funlu\u011funu azaltmas\u0131na neden olacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n 1990\u2019lar boyunca koalisyon h\u00fck\u00fcmetleriyle y\u00f6netilen T\u00fcrkiye, 2000\u2019li y\u0131llara a\u011f\u0131r ekonomik krizler e\u015fli\u011finde girdi. \u0130\u00e7 siyaset koalisyon ortaklar\u0131n\u0131n uyu\u015fmazl\u0131klar\u0131 \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde ya\u015fan\u0131rken, 11Eyl\u00fcl\u2019de D\u00fcnya Ticaret Merkezi\u2019nin ve Pentagon\u2019un ter\u00f6rist sald\u0131r\u0131lara hedef olmas\u0131yla, uluslararas\u0131 alanda yeniden ama bu sefer Sovyetlerin da\u011f\u0131lmas\u0131 kadar k\u00f6kl\u00fc olmayan bir de\u011fi\u015fim s\u00fcreci ba\u015flad\u0131. ABD Afganistan\u2019a a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 sava\u015fla Avrasya b\u00f6lgesine yerle\u015fmeye ba\u015flad\u0131. 2003\u2019te ABD\u2019nin Irak\u2019a girmesiyle \u015fekillenen politikan\u0131n temelinde, zengin petrol ve do\u011falgaz kaynaklar\u0131na sahip b\u00f6lgenin \u00e7evrelenmesi ve denetlenmesi oldu\u011fu s\u00f6ylenebilir. (Erhan,2005:134)<\/p>\n T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de AKP\u2019nin iktidara geli\u015fiyle T\u00fcrkiye, Kafkasya-Orta Asya ile olan ili\u015fkilerini yeniden yo\u011funla\u015ft\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. ABD\u2019nin b\u00f6lgeye n\u00fcfuz etmeye ba\u015flamas\u0131yla b\u00f6lge \u00fczerine ba\u015fl\u0131ca akt\u00f6rlerin Rusya, ABD, \u00c7in, T\u00fcrkiye, \u0130ran oldu\u011fu yeni bir ekonomik ve siyasi \u00e7eki\u015fme ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. ABD\u2019nin1995\u2019ten itibaren destekledi\u011fi \u201cb\u00f6lgeden \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lan petrol ve do\u011falgaz\u0131n T\u00fcrkiye \u00fczerinden uluslararas\u0131 pazarlara ta\u015f\u0131nmas\u0131\u201d politikas\u0131 T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin b\u00f6lgeye y\u00f6nelik \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131yla \u00f6rt\u00fc\u015fmektedir. ABD ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin b\u00f6lgeye y\u00f6nelik politikalar\u0131n\u0131n giderek uyumla\u015fmas\u0131 2000\u2019lerde ba\u015fta Rusya olmak \u00fczere b\u00f6lge devletlerinin T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi ABD politikalar\u0131n\u0131n uygulay\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 olarak g\u00f6rmesini beraberinde getirmi\u015f ve T\u00fcrkiye 1990\u2019lar\u0131n ortalar\u0131ndan itibaren geli\u015ftirmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7ok-y\u00f6nl\u00fc d\u0131\u015f politikada, b\u00f6lgenin hassas dengeleri aras\u0131nda yine bir s\u0131k\u0131\u015fma s\u00fcrecine girmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7 i\u00e7erisinde T\u0130KA\u2019n\u0131n yap\u0131sal bir d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm ge\u00e7irdi\u011fini g\u00f6rmekteyiz. 1999\u2019da \u00f6nce Ba\u015fbakanl\u0131\u011fa ard\u0131ndan 2001\u2019de ilgili devlet bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131na ba\u011fl\u0131 t\u00fczel ki\u015filik durumuna gelen T\u0130KA, b\u00f6ylece D\u0131\u015fi\u015fleri b\u00fcrokrasisinden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z olarak hareket edebilen ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin yumu\u015fak g\u00fc\u00e7 politikalar\u0131nda kurumlar aras\u0131 e\u015fg\u00fcd\u00fcm\u00fc sa\u011flayan bir \u00fcst kuruma d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Ayr\u0131ca bu s\u00fcre\u00e7 i\u00e7erisinde 2005\/11 say\u0131l\u0131 Ba\u015fbakanl\u0131k Genelgesi ile T\u0130KA d\u0131\u015f politika ilke ve gerekleri do\u011frultusunda etkin kullan\u0131lmas\u0131 i\u00e7in kurumlar aras\u0131 i\u015fbirli\u011fi ve koordinasyonun sa\u011flanmas\u0131 ile d\u0131\u015f yard\u0131mlar\u0131n envanterinin tutulmas\u0131 g\u00f6revi de T\u0130KA\u2019ya verilmi\u015ftir. B\u00f6ylece T\u0130KA, d\u0131\u015f yard\u0131mlara fon bulma ve bunlar\u0131n nereye aktar\u0131laca\u011f\u0131 konusunda yeni yetkilerle donat\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n Bu d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn Kafkasya-Orta Asya politikalar\u0131n\u0131n y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclmesinde T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye belli bir dinamizm kazand\u0131rmas\u0131 olas\u0131d\u0131r. B\u00f6lgenin kendine has ko\u015fullar\u0131ndan kaynakl\u0131 d\u0131\u015f politika \u00fcretme zorlu\u011fu, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi b\u00f6lgesel dengeleri g\u00f6zeten ve bunun i\u00e7in sa\u011flam ve g\u00fcvenilir veriler toplay\u0131p bunlar\u0131 b\u00f6lgenin ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6zeterek i\u015fleyebilen bir kurumsal yap\u0131n\u0131n gereklili\u011fiyle y\u00fcz y\u00fcze getirmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n \u00d6n\u00fcm\u00fczdeki s\u00fcre\u00e7te d\u0131\u015f politikada T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi daha farkl\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131mlar bekliyor. Yeni ke\u015ffedilen Afrika co\u011frafyas\u0131 bunun bir par\u00e7as\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturabilir. Bunun en belirgin g\u00f6stergesi ise, T\u0130KA\u2019n\u0131n,kurulu\u015funda model olarak al\u0131nan JICA\u2019ya benzer bir kurumsal yap\u0131 ve faaliyet alan\u0131 geli\u015ftirmeye ba\u015flamas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n So\u011fuk sava\u015f\u2019\u0131n biti\u015fiyle ba\u015flayan s\u00fcre\u00e7te T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin d\u0131\u015f politikada kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 sorunlar\u0131n kaynaklar\u0131na ve bu sorunlar\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6zmeye y\u00f6nelik \u00fcretilen politikalar\u0131n neler oldu\u011funa de\u011finilen bu \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin bu s\u00fcre\u00e7 i\u00e7erisinde de\u011fi\u015ftirdi\u011fi d\u0131\u015f politika alg\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 inceleme alt\u0131na alm\u0131\u015f,bunu yaparken de Kafkasya-Orta Asya ile ili\u015fkilerde \u00f6nemli bir ara\u00e7 ve g\u00f6sterge niteli\u011fi ta\u015f\u0131yan teknik yard\u0131m kurulu\u015fu T\u0130KA\u2019n\u0131n bu de\u011fi\u015fim s\u00fcrecinden nas\u0131l etkilendi\u011fi ve nas\u0131l kullan\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 anlat\u0131lmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n 1990\u2019lar\u0131n \u00f6zellikle ilk yar\u0131s\u0131nda b\u00f6lgedeki dengeleri, \u00f6zellikle de Rusya\u2019n\u0131n etkinli\u011finin g\u00f6rmezden gelinerek \u00fcretilen politikalar\u0131n T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi b\u00f6lge devletleri nezdinde g\u00fcvenilir olmaktan uzak bir konuma itti\u011fini ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te d\u0131\u015f politikada bir a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131m yaratamad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rd\u00fck.<\/p>\n T\u00fcrkiye b\u00f6lgeye y\u00f6nelik politikalar\u0131nda siyasi n\u00fcfuz sa\u011flamaktan vazge\u00e7ip ekonomik i\u015fbirli\u011fi s\u00fcre\u00e7lerini \u00f6n plana \u00e7\u0131karan rasyonel ad\u0131mlar\u0131 atmas\u0131yla birlikte b\u00f6lgedeki dengelerin bir par\u00e7as\u0131 haline gelebilmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n Bu d\u00f6nemde, plans\u0131z, b\u00fcrokrasi ve i\u00e7 siyasi \u00e7eki\u015fmelerden fazlas\u0131yla etkilenen d\u0131\u015f politika uygulama s\u00fcre\u00e7lerinde ya\u015fanan aksakl\u0131klar\u0131 gidermek ad\u0131na T\u0130KA\u2019n\u0131n kurulmas\u0131 ve giderek yumu\u015fak g\u00fc\u00e7 politikalar\u0131nda yetkisinin artt\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, So\u011fuk Sava\u015f sonras\u0131 T\u00fcrkiye i\u00e7in elzem olan sa\u011fl\u0131kl\u0131 ve istikrarl\u0131 \u00e7ok-y\u00f6nl\u00fc d\u0131\u015f politika y\u00fcr\u00fctme hususunda \u00f6nemli ve yerinde bir geli\u015fmedir.\n<\/p>\n KAYNAK\u00c7A<\/strong> Emrah Denizhan Trakya Üniversitesi, İ.İ.B.F, Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü Özet SSCB’nin dağılmasından sonra Kafkasya ve Orta Asya coğrafyasında ortaya çıkan yeni devletlerle kurulacak ilişkiler meselesi, Soğuk Savaş döneminde Batı ile kurduğu güvenlik bağlantılarını temel alan ve göreli olarak statükoculuğa dayanan geleneksel dış politikasını sürdürmenin imkansız olduğunu gören Türkiye’nin 1990’lar boyunca dış politika gündeminde önemli bir yer 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\n<\/b><\/span>Trakya \u00dcniversitesi, \u0130.\u0130.B.F, Uluslararas\u0131 \u0130li\u015fkiler B\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc<\/span><\/p>\n\n
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\nAyd\u0131n,\u00a0<\/strong>Mustafa \u201cKafkasya ve Orta Asya ile \u0130li\u015fkiler\u201d,<\/em>i\u00e7inde:\u00a0T\u00fcrk D\u0131\u015f Politikas\u0131,<\/em>(Edit\u00f6r : Bask\u0131nOran), \u0130leti\u015fim Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul, 2004. ss.366-439
\nBalc\u0131,\u00a0<\/strong>Ali, Ye\u015filta\u015f Murat \u201cBir D\u0131\u015f Politika Arac\u0131 Olarak D\u0131\u015f Yard\u0131mlar\u0131n Kullan\u0131lamas\u0131 : Japonya\u00d6rne\u011fi\u201d,\u00a0<\/em>Uluslararas\u0131 \u0130li\u015fkiler Dergisi, Say\u0131 8, Cilt 2, K\u0131\u015f 2005-2006. ss.167-197
\nBilgin,<\/strong>\u00a0Mert\u00a0\u201cT\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin \u0130hracata Y\u00f6nelik Ekonomi Politikalar\u0131nda Avrasya\u2019n\u0131n Stratejik\u00d6nemi\u201d\u00a0<\/em>Uluslararas\u0131 \u0130li\u015fkiler Dergisi, Say\u0131 7, Cilt 2, G\u00fcz 2005 ss.87-123
\nBeng,\u00a0<\/strong>Phar Kim \u201cTurkey\u2019s Potential as a Soft Power: A Call for Conceptual Clarity,\u00a0<\/em>InsightTurkey, Volume 10, Number 2 , April-June 2008
\nErhan,<\/strong>\u00a0\u00c7a\u011fr\u0131\u00a0\u201cABD\u2019nin Orta Asya Politikalar\u0131 ve 11 Eyl\u00fcl\u2019\u00fcn Etkileri\u201d\u00a0<\/em>Uluslararas\u0131 \u0130li\u015fkilerDergisi, Say\u0131 8, Cilt 2, K\u0131\u015f 2005-2006 ss.123-149
\n\u00c7aman,\u00a0<\/strong>Efe \u201cKafkasya ve Orta Asya\u2019da Alternatif ile Uyum Aras\u0131 T\u00fcrk B\u00f6lgesel Politikas\u0131 :Kafkasya ve Orta Asya\u2019da T\u00fcrkiye\u201d,\u00a0<\/em>i\u00e7inde :\u00a0K\u00fcresel G\u00fc\u00e7 M\u00fccadelesinde Avrasya\u2019n\u0131n de\u011fi\u015fenJeopoliti\u011fi Yeni B\u00fcy\u00fck Oyun,\u00a0<\/em>(Edit\u00f6r : Mehmet Seyfettin Erol), Bar\u0131\u015f Platin Kitabevi, Ankara,2009. ss. 261-298
\nTellal,\u00a0<\/strong>Erel \u201cT\u00fcrk D\u0131\u015f Politikas\u0131nda Avrasya Se\u00e7ene\u011fi\u201d\u00a0<\/em>Uluslararas\u0131 \u0130li\u015fkiler Dergisi, Say\u0131 5, Cilt2, Bahar 2005 ss.49-70<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"