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Arif Keskin<\/span><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n Kafkasya, etnik ve mezhepsel \u00e7e\u015fitlili\u011fi ve siyasi yap\u0131s\u0131 nedeniyle \u00e7ok karma\u015f\u0131k ve hassas bir konumdad\u0131r. B\u00f6lgeye kom\u015fu Rusya, \u0130ran ve T\u00fcrkiye ile fiziki temas\u0131 olmayan Avrupa, ABD ve NATO\u2019nun Kafkasya\u2019daki aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131, \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n s\u0131kl\u0131kla \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 ve b\u00f6lgedeki istikrars\u0131zl\u0131k potansiyelinin artmas\u0131n\u0131 beraberinde getirmektedir. Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda Kafkasya\u2019daki siyasi s\u00fcre\u00e7lerin \u015fekillenmesinde kom\u015fular\u0131n\u0131n (Rusya, T\u00fcrkiye ve \u0130ran) aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131, kayg\u0131lar\u0131 ve olanaklar\u0131 hayati \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131maktad\u0131r. Bu \u00e7al\u0131\u015fman\u0131n amac\u0131 \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n Kafkasya politikalar\u0131n\u0131 \u015fekillendiren temel etkenlere \u0131\u015f\u0131k tutmak; Azerbaycan, Ermenistan ve G\u00fcrcistan politikalar\u0131n\u0131 incelemek ve Hazar havzas\u0131 ile Karaba\u011f sorunlar\u0131na yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 de\u011ferlendirmektir<\/p>\n \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n Politikas\u0131n\u0131 \u015eekillendiren Etkenler<\/p>\n \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n stratejik d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinde Kafkasya daima \u201cg\u00fcvenlik\u201d alg\u0131s\u0131 ile \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015fmi\u015ftir. Bunun nedeni, Rusya\u2019n\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve Kafkasya\u2019n\u0131n \u201cdevrimci ideolojilerin\u201d giri\u015f koridoru olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclmesidir. Ger\u00e7i Rusya k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f ve \u201cdevrimci ideolojiler\u201d iflasa u\u011fram\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ancak \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n Kafkasya alg\u0131lamas\u0131 g\u00fcvenlik boyutundan \u00e7\u0131kmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. B\u00f6lgesel sistemin de\u011fi\u015fmesine ra\u011fmen g\u00fcvenlik kayg\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n devam etmesi, \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n Kafkasya politikas\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7ok farkl\u0131 bir d\u00fczlemde de\u011ferlendirilmesi gerekti\u011fini g\u00f6stermektedir.<\/p>\n Kafkasya, \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n tarihi-k\u00fclt\u00fcrel haf\u0131zas\u0131nda a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131kl\u0131 bir yer tutmaktad\u0131r. \u00d6zellikle Fars milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi Kafkasya\u2019y\u0131 Fars k\u00fclt\u00fcr havzas\u0131n\u0131n uzant\u0131s\u0131 olarak alg\u0131lam\u0131\u015f, Azerbaycan Cumhuriyeti\u2019ne b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6nem atfedilmi\u015ftir.1) \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n Kafkasya\u2019ya bak\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n \u015fekillenmesindeki ikinci \u00f6nemli fakt\u00f6r Kafkasya\u2019n\u0131n \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f \u0130ran tarihinde oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131 rold\u00fcr. \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n modernle\u015fme s\u00fcrecinin ilk ad\u0131mlar\u0131 olan matbaa ve kitap Kafkasya\u2019dan \u0130ran\u2019a girmi\u015ftir. \u0130ran\u2019daki sosyal demokrasi ve sol d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce yine Kafkasya\u2019dan ta\u015f\u0131nm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu nedenden dolay\u0131 \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f tarihinde Bak\u00fc-Tiflis\u2019in \u00f6zel bir yeri vard\u0131r. Bug\u00fcn Tiflis\u2019in ad\u0131 \u00e7ok\u00e7a an\u0131lmasa da, Bak\u00fc ayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131 yerini korumakta ve hatta \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n i\u00e7 siyasal yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 etkilemeye devam etmektedir<\/p>\n Sovyetler Birli\u011fi\u2019nin da\u011f\u0131lmas\u0131 s\u00fcrecinde \u0130ran neyle kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya oldu\u011funu net olarak bilmiyordu. \u0130ran\u2019da iki farkl\u0131 yakla\u015f\u0131m vard\u0131. Bir grup geli\u015fmeleri etnik milliyet\u00e7i bir geli\u015fme olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcrken, di\u011fer grup ise geli\u015fmeleri dini bir \u00e7er\u00e7evede yorumlamakta ve bu \u00fclkelerin \u201c\u0130slami birlik\u201d \u00e7at\u0131s\u0131 alt\u0131nda birle\u015ftirilmesi gerekti\u011fini savunuyordu.2) Ancak \u0130ran\u2019da birinci g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f, yani, Orta Asya ve Kafkasya\u2019da genel anlamda bir milliyet\u00e7ilik ak\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n s\u00f6z konusu oldu\u011fu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc bask\u0131n \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu milliyet\u00e7ilik genel itibariyle Rusya kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla daha ziyade Bat\u0131c\u0131 bir ak\u0131md\u0131r. \u0130\u015fte bu nedenle \u0130ran ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kazanan yeni \u00fclkelere ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7ta ihtiyatla yakla\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n Sovyetler Birli\u011fi\u2019nin da\u011f\u0131lmas\u0131 \u0130ran i\u00e7in Kafkasya politikas\u0131 ba\u011flam\u0131nda f\u0131rsat ve tehdit denklemi yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Denklemin f\u0131rsat taraf\u0131nda \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck ve tehlikeli kom\u015fusunun da\u011f\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131 yer almaktad\u0131r. \u0130ranl\u0131lar Rusya\u2019y\u0131 daima, \u201cistedi\u011fi zaman \u0130ran topraklar\u0131n\u0131 i\u015fgal edebilecek bir g\u00fc\u00e7\u201d olarak g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015f ve ili\u015fkilerinde bu korku h\u00e2kim unsur olmu\u015ftur. Rusya\u2019n\u0131n k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fclmesi ve \u0130ran\u2019a sald\u0131ramayacak d\u00fczeye gerilemesi bu a\u00e7\u0131dan \u0130ranl\u0131lar\u0131 sevindirmi\u015ftir. \u0130ran a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan ikinci f\u0131rsat ise ideolojik boyuttayd\u0131; kom\u00fcnizmin iflas etmi\u015fti. Siyasal \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki tehditlerden biri ortadan kalkm\u0131\u015f ve bir din devleti olan \u0130ran belli oranda rahatlatm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r<\/p>\n \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n Kafkasya ba\u011flam\u0131nda alg\u0131lad\u0131\u011f\u0131 tehditlerin ba\u015f\u0131nda Orta Asya-Kafkasya\u2019daki T\u00fcrk varl\u0131\u011f\u0131, \u00f6zellikle Azerbaycan Cumhuriyeti\u2019nin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 gelmektedir.3) \u0130ranl\u0131 analistlerin de s\u0131k s\u0131k ifade ettikleri gibi, b\u00f6lgede yeni bir T\u00fcrkl\u00fck olgusu ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f, Orta Asya ve Kafkasya\u2019da T\u00fcrk milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde belirgin bir siyasal hareketlilik do\u011fmu\u015ftur. \u00d6zellikle de Azerbaycan\u2019dan gelen bu milliyet\u00e7i dalga k\u0131sa s\u00fcrede \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n i\u00e7lerine yay\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ve \u0130ran\u2019\u0131 ciddi bir sorunla kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya b\u0131rakm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Azerbaycan Cumhuriyeti\u2019nin 8 milyonluk n\u00fcfusuna kar\u015f\u0131n, \u0130ran topraklar\u0131nda 25-30 milyon Azerbaycan T\u00fcrk\u00fc ya\u015famaktad\u0131r. Ayr\u0131ca b\u00f6lgede ba\u015f g\u00f6steren etnik \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar, \u00f6zellikle de Karaba\u011f \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 \u0130ran\u2019\u0131 temkinli olmaya sevk etmi\u015ftir. Zira Karaba\u011f\u2019daki s\u0131cak \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma t\u0131rmand\u0131\u011f\u0131 oranda \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n i\u00e7inde \u00f6zellikle de Azerbaycan T\u00fcrkleri aras\u0131nda rahats\u0131zl\u0131k ve huzursuzluk y\u00fckselmi\u015ftir. S\u0131cak \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma oldu\u011fu d\u00f6nemde \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n Azerbaycan b\u00f6lgesinde Ermenistan kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 g\u00f6steriler d\u00fczenlenmi\u015f ve \u0130ran\u2019a \u201csessiz kald\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201d ve \u201cErmenistan\u2019\u0131 destekledi\u011fi\u201d i\u00e7in tepki g\u00f6sterilmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n Kafkasya politikas\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan ikinci tehdit ise iki kutuplu d\u00fcnya d\u00fczeninin sona ermesi ve Rusya\u2019n\u0131n ABD kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki direncinin k\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 olmu\u015ftur. Bu durum \u0130ran\u2019\u0131 zor durumda b\u0131raksa da4), Tahran i\u00e7in Kafkasya\u2019da belirleyici olan Rusya\u2019n\u0131n durumu olmu\u015ftur. Rusya ile \u0130ran\u2019\u0131 \u00f6zellikle de Kafkasya ve Orta Asya ba\u011flam\u0131nda birle\u015ftiren \u00fc\u00e7 temel unsur g\u00f6ze \u00e7arpmaktad\u0131r. Birincisi, k\u00fcresel sistemdeki tek kutupluluk ve her iki devletin bundan duyduklar\u0131 rahats\u0131zl\u0131kt\u0131r. \u0130kincisi, b\u00f6lgedeki T\u00fcrk varl\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. T\u00fcrk varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n milliyet\u00e7i bir s\u00f6ylem \u00e7evresinde \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi hem Rusya\u2019y\u0131 hem de \u0130ran\u2019\u0131 rahats\u0131z etmektedir. Her iki \u00fclkenin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7inde bulunan yo\u011fun T\u00fcrk varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 sebebiyle Rusya ve \u0130ran aras\u0131nda bir fikir birli\u011fi oldu\u011funu s\u00f6ylemek m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. Rusya ve \u0130ran aras\u0131ndaki di\u011fer ortak g\u00fcndem, her iki devletin de NATO\u2019nun b\u00f6lgeye girme \u00e7abalar\u0131ndan duyduklar\u0131 kayg\u0131d\u0131r. Rusya \u0130ran\u2019a g\u00f6re ABD kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda daha zay\u0131f bir rakiptir. ABD ve AB ise, Rusya\u2019n\u0131n b\u00f6lgedeki yerini doldurabilecek potansiyele sahiptir. Ayr\u0131ca 1991\u2019den sonra \u0130srail\u2019in yeni bir d\u0131\u015f politika alan\u0131 olarak Orta Asya ve Kafkasya\u2019da n\u00fcfuz aray\u0131\u015f\u0131na girmesi de \u0130ran\u2019\u0131 daima endi\u015felendirmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n Tahran\u2019\u0131n b\u00f6lgeye bak\u0131\u015f\u0131nda belirleyici olan bir di\u011fer etken, \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n rejimi ve ona duyulan g\u00fcvensizliktir. \u00d6zellikle devrim ihra\u00e7 politikas\u0131 nedeniyle duyulan ku\u015fku Tahran\u2019\u0131n i\u015fini zorla\u015ft\u0131rmaktad\u0131r. \u0130ran bu ku\u015fkuyu tetikleyecek davran\u0131\u015flardan ka\u00e7\u0131nsa dahi mesele sorun olmaya devam etmektedir. Ancak \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n ideolojik kayg\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 ikinci plana itmesi, emellerinden t\u00fcm\u00fcyle vazge\u00e7ti\u011fi anlam\u0131na gelmemektedir. \u0130ran, daha ziyade toplumsal zemini de\u011ferlendirerek G\u00fcney Kafkasya \u00fclkeleriyle k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ba\u011flar kurmay\u0131 tercih etmi\u015ftir. Bu ama\u00e7la vak\u0131flar ve dernekler vas\u0131tas\u0131yla yoksullara ula\u015fmak, ortak mezhepsel rit\u00fcelleri de\u011ferlendirmek ve \u00f6\u011frencilere \u0130ran\u2019da burslu e\u011fitim imk\u00e2n\u0131 sunmak gibi yollara ba\u015fvurmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n \u0130ran \u201cb\u00f6lge d\u0131\u015f\u0131\u201d akt\u00f6rler olarak tan\u0131mlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 Avrupa Birli\u011fi, Amerika ve NATO\u2019nun b\u00f6lgedeki yay\u0131lmas\u0131ndan ku\u015fkulanmaktad\u0131r ve bu g\u00fc\u00e7lerin Kafkasya\u2019daki etkinliklerinin s\u0131n\u0131rland\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131ndan yanad\u0131r.5) \u00d6zellikle de ABD\u2019nin G\u00fcrcistan ve Azerbaycan\u2019la olan ili\u015fkilerinden rahats\u0131zd\u0131r ve Washington ile ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gerginlik Kafkasya\u2019n\u0131n \u00f6nemini art\u0131rmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n Kafkasya politikas\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan dikkat \u00e7ekici olan bir di\u011fer nokta ise \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n t\u00fcm b\u00f6lgesel i\u015fbirli\u011fi \u00f6rg\u00fctlerinde rol alma iste\u011fidir. Tahran\u2019\u0131n, onaylamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctlerde dahi boy g\u00f6stermeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131, kendisine \u201csorumlu \u00fclke\u201d imaj\u0131 vermeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131yla a\u00e7\u0131klanabilir. B\u00f6lgede marjinalle\u015fmekten korkan \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n bu konuda g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi \u00f6zenin temelinde bilhassa, Bat\u0131\u2019yla ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gerginlik nedeniyle b\u00f6lge devletlerini kaybetme korkusunun yatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00f6ylenebilir.<\/p>\n \u0130ranl\u0131 analistlerin bir k\u0131sm\u0131 da Tahran\u2019\u0131n Kafkasya ve hatta Orta Asya politikas\u0131n\u0131 Rusya merkezli bir d\u0131\u015f politika olarak tan\u0131mlamaktad\u0131r. Zira \u0130ran, Kafkasya\u2019da Rusya\u2019n\u0131n bak\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 ve \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 dikkate alarak politika \u00fcretmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmaktad\u0131r. Ne var ki bu durum \u0130ran i\u00e7inde de y\u00fcksek sesle ele\u015ftirilmektedir. Zira son d\u00f6nemde n\u00fckleer gerginlik nedeniyle Rusya\u2019n\u0131n \u0130ran\u2019\u0131 yeterince desteklememesi \u0130ran\u2019da ciddi bir hayal k\u0131r\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131 yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u015eu s\u0131ralarda Kafkasya konusunda \u0130ran\u2019da yap\u0131lan tart\u0131\u015fmalar bu eksende s\u00fcrmektedir.<\/p>\n \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n jeopolitik kayg\u0131lar\u0131 konusunda de\u011finilmesi gereken bir di\u011fer nokta T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin b\u00f6lgedeki etkinli\u011fidir. \u0130ran, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin Kafkasya\u2019da \u00e7ok etkin olmas\u0131n\u0131 istememektedir. Zira T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi \u201cb\u00f6lgede NATO ve Amerika\u2019n\u0131n Truva at\u0131\u201d olarak alg\u0131lamaktad\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin etkinli\u011finin b\u00f6lgede T\u00fcrk milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fini k\u00f6r\u00fckleyebilece\u011fini ve bunun \u0130ran i\u00e7indeki Azerbaycan T\u00fcrkleri aras\u0131nda yank\u0131 bulabilece\u011finden korkmaktad\u0131r. \u0130ran ve Ermenistan aras\u0131ndaki \u00f6zel ili\u015fkinin ise, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin etkinli\u011fini s\u0131n\u0131rland\u0131rma \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde \u015fekillendi\u011fini s\u00f6ylemek m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr.<\/p>\n Azerbaycan, \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n Kafkasya politikas\u0131nda merkezi ve belirleyici bir role sahiptir. \u0130ran, Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131 kendi tarihi topra\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel havzas\u0131n\u0131n par\u00e7as\u0131 olarak alg\u0131lamaktad\u0131r. Mezhepsel anlamda \u00f6rt\u00fc\u015ft\u00fckleri gibi etnik anlamda da ortak bir unsuru bar\u0131nd\u0131ran Azerbaycan\u2019la \u0130ran, asl\u0131nda bu iki nedenden dolay\u0131 sorun ya\u015famaktad\u0131r. Azerbaycan rejiminin laik kimli\u011fi ile yukar\u0131da bahsedilen milliyet\u00e7ilik e\u011filiminin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, d\u0131\u015f politikas\u0131 da \u0130ran\u2019\u0131 rahats\u0131z etmektedir. Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n d\u0131\u015f politikas\u0131nda Bat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n \u00f6nemli yer tutmas\u0131 ve \u00f6zel olarak da ABD ve \u0130srail\u2019le olan ili\u015fkileri \u0130ran a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan kayg\u0131 vericidir. \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n Hazar havzas\u0131 ve enerji hatlar\u0131 konusundaki bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131 da Azerbaycan\u2019dan farkl\u0131d\u0131r. Karaba\u011f sorununa gelince; \u0130ran b\u00fct\u00fcn resmi s\u00f6yleminde Karaba\u011f\u2019\u0131n Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n tarihi bir topra\u011f\u0131, par\u00e7as\u0131 oldu\u011funu s\u00f6ylemesine kar\u015f\u0131n, pratikte bu sorunun \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmaya d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmeden mevcut haliyle s\u00fcrmesinden yana g\u00f6r\u00fcnmektedir. Zira bu sorunun \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcms\u00fcz kalmas\u0131, \u0130ran i\u00e7in bir taraftan Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131 zay\u0131flatmaya yarayan di\u011fer taraftan da \u0130ran\u2019a yak\u0131nla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flayan bir f\u0131rsat alan\u0131 sunmaktad\u0131r. K\u0131sacas\u0131 \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n Azerbaycan politikas\u0131 tehdit merkezli bir d\u0131\u015f politika ekseninde \u015fekillenmektedir. Bu politikay\u0131 \u201cne \u00f6ld\u00fcr ne de oldur\u201d \u015feklinde tan\u0131mlamak da m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr.<\/p>\n Ermenistan ise, \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n Kafkasya politikas\u0131nda bir kald\u0131ra\u00e7 i\u015flevi g\u00f6rmektedir. Ermenistan\u2019\u0131n Azerbaycan\u2019la gergin ili\u015fkisi, Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fcmesini ve \u0130ran\u2019daki T\u00fcrkler i\u00e7in bir \u00e7ekim merkezi olmas\u0131n\u0131 engellemektedir. Ayr\u0131ca Azerbaycan-Ermenistan \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131, her iki devleti \u0130ran\u2019a do\u011fru itmektedir. \u0130kinci boyut, Ermenistan\u2019\u0131n \u0130ran a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan Bat\u0131\u2019ya kar\u015f\u0131 Rusya saf\u0131nda tutulmas\u0131 gereken bir \u00fclke olmas\u0131 konusudur. \u0130ran, Rusya\u2019ya ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 bir d\u0131\u015f politika \u00fcretti\u011fi bilinen Ermenistan\u2019\u0131n Rusya\u2019dan kopup Bat\u0131\u2019ya yakla\u015fmas\u0131ndan endi\u015fe duymakta ve bunu engellemek i\u00e7in kendisi de Ermenistan\u2019\u0131 destekleyerek onu rahatlatmak istemektedir. \u0130ran, Ermenistan\u2019\u0131 T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin Kafkasya\u2019daki etkinli\u011fini s\u0131n\u0131rland\u0131rman\u0131n ara\u00e7lar\u0131ndan biri olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcrken, bir taraftan da Avrupa ve ABD\u2019deki Ermeni diyasporas\u0131n\u0131n kendisine k\u00fcresel politikalara m\u00fcdahil olacak baz\u0131 kap\u0131lar a\u00e7abilece\u011fini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmektedir \u0130ran, Da\u011fl\u0131k Karaba\u011f sorununu milli g\u00fcvenli\u011fini tehdit eden unsurlar aras\u0131nda de\u011ferlendirmektedir. Bunun birinci nedeni do\u011fal olarak, sorunun \u0130ran\u2019a kom\u015fu iki \u00fclke aras\u0131nda cereyan etmesidir. Nitekim 1993\u2019te \u0130ran s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131 yak\u0131nlar\u0131nda ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma, s\u0131\u011f\u0131nmac\u0131 ak\u0131n\u0131yla kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fma korkusu veya yabanc\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7lerin muhtemel askeri m\u00fcdahalesi gibi nedenlerle \u0130ran\u2019\u0131 kayg\u0131land\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.6) \u0130kincisi, \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar s\u0131ras\u0131nda \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131 desteklememesi, \u0130ran toplumunda \u00f6zellikle Azerbaycan T\u00fcrklerini rahats\u0131z etmi\u015f, Da\u011fl\u0131k Karaba\u011f sorunu milliyet\u00e7i duygusal bir zemin olu\u015fturmu\u015f, G\u00fcney Azerbaycanl\u01317) \u00f6\u011frencilerin, \u015fairlerin ve ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n birinci s\u00f6ylemi haline gelmi\u015f ve bu do\u011frultuda Tebriz ve Tahran\u2019da \u201c\u0130ran\u2019\u0131n Ermeni yanl\u0131s\u0131\u201d politikalar\u0131n\u0131 protesto eden g\u00f6steriler d\u00fczenlenmi\u015ftir8).<\/p>\n \u0130ran, Karaba\u011f sorunu kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda \u00e7eli\u015fkili s\u00f6ylemler ortaya atm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bir yandan Karaba\u011f b\u00f6lgesinin Azerbaycan toprak b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc i\u00e7inde oldu\u011funu a\u00e7\u0131klarken,9) di\u011fer yandan da buradaki \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmaya Da\u011fl\u0131k Karaba\u011f\u2019da ya\u015fayan Ermeniler ile Azerbaycan devletinin sava\u015f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fc verme e\u011filimi i\u00e7inde olmu\u015ftur. Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda Ermenistan, sadece Da\u011fl\u0131k Karaba\u011f\u2019da ya\u015fayan Ermenileri desteklemi\u015ftir. Di\u011fer taraftan, genelde Ermenistan-Azerbaycan sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131 Ermeni-M\u00fcsl\u00fcman sava\u015f\u0131 olarak tan\u0131mlamaktan m\u00fcmk\u00fcn oldu\u011funca ka\u00e7\u0131nm\u0131\u015f ve bu \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 etnik bir \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma olarak nitelendirmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.10) Ancak, zaman zaman \u0130ranl\u0131 yetkililerinin b\u00f6lgedeki \u201cM\u00fcsl\u00fcman halk\u201dtan s\u00f6z ettikleri de g\u00f6r\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. \u00d6rne\u011fin, Haziran 1993\u2019te Tebriz\u2019deki bir g\u00f6steride halka seslenen \u0130ran dini lideri Hamaney, \u201cErmenistan Devleti ve Karaba\u011f Ermenileri b\u00f6lgedeki M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlara zul\u00fcm uygulamaktad\u0131r\u201d demi\u015ftir.11) \u0130ran liderinin Karaba\u011f Ermenilerini Ermenistan\u2019dan ayr\u0131 bi\u00e7imde nitelemesi ise dikkat \u00e7ekicidir.<\/p>\n \u0130ran milli g\u00fcvenli\u011fini ilgilendiren di\u011fer bir konu Hazar Denizi\u2019nin stat\u00fcs\u00fcd\u00fcr. \u0130ran, Hazar\u2019\u0131n hukuksal stat\u00fcs\u00fc belirlenmeden \u00f6nce 1921 ve 1940\u2019taki Rusya-\u0130ran anla\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n temel al\u0131nmas\u0131n\u0131 istemektedir. \u0130ran\u2019a g\u00f6re Hazar Denizi g\u00f6l oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in serbest deniz kurallar\u0131 burada uygulanamaz; ba\u015fka bir deyi\u015fle kapal\u0131 denizin hukuksal stat\u00fcs\u00fc belirlenmeden onun zenginliklerinden istifade edilemez. \u0130ran Hazar\u2019\u0131n ya ortak kullan\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 ya da 5 \u00fclke aras\u0131nda y\u00fczde 20 esas\u0131na g\u00f6re payla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 istemektedir. Ama asl\u0131nda, 1921 ve 1940 Anla\u015fmalar\u0131 Hazar Denizi\u2019ndeki petrol kaynaklar\u0131n\u0131n payla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131na ili\u015fkin hi\u00e7bir husus i\u00e7ermemektedir. Pratikte SSCB\u2019li petrol ara\u015ft\u0131rmac\u0131lar\u0131 Astara-Hasankulu hatt\u0131n\u0131n kuzeyinde istedikleri \u015fekilde ara\u015ft\u0131rma yapm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Ayr\u0131ca, bahsedilen anla\u015fmalar \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n Hazar\u2019da askeri g\u00fc\u00e7 bulundurmas\u0131n\u0131 da yasaklayan hususlar i\u00e7ermektedir. Di\u011fer taraftan \u0130ran Hazar Denizi\u2019ne herhangi bir yabanc\u0131 \u00fclkenin giri\u015fine de kar\u015f\u0131d\u0131r. Bak\u00fc ise, 1970 y\u0131l\u0131nda yine Moskova\u2019yla Tahran aras\u0131nda yap\u0131lan anla\u015fmay\u0131 tan\u0131maktad\u0131r. Buna g\u00f6re Sovyetler Birli\u011fi ile \u0130ran aras\u0131ndaki s\u0131n\u0131r, T\u00fcrkmenistan\u2019\u0131n Hasankulu \u015fehri ve Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n Astara \u015fehri aras\u0131nda \u00e7izilmi\u015ftir. Bu anla\u015fma bir anlamda da 1935 y\u0131l\u0131nda al\u0131nm\u0131\u015f gizli karara dayanmaktad\u0131r. 1970 Anla\u015fmas\u0131\u2019na g\u00f6re \u0130ran Hazar Denizi\u2019nde en fazla y\u00fczde 12\u2019lik bir hisseye sahiptir. 1970 Anla\u015fmas\u0131 \u00fczerinde \u00e7\u0131kan anla\u015fmazl\u0131k nedeniyle Azerbaycan, \u0130ran\u2019a Hazar\u2019\u0131n ulusal sekt\u00f6rlere b\u00f6l\u00fcnmesini \u00f6nermektedir. Bu durumda \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n pay\u0131 y\u00fczde 13\u2019e ula\u015facakt\u0131r. Baz\u0131lar\u0131na g\u00f6re \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n pay\u0131 y\u00fczde 10\u2019dan fazla de\u011fildir. Yani 6500 km\u2019lik k\u0131y\u0131 \u015feridinin 650 km\u2019si \u0130ran\u2019a aittir. Azerbaycan, El\u00e7ibey d\u00f6neminden itibaren sekt\u00f6rel b\u00f6l\u00fcnme temelinde Hazar\u2019\u0131n zenginliklerinden faydalanmaya ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ancak Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n bu giri\u015fimi Rusya ve \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n tepkisini \u00e7ekmi\u015ftir. Zaman i\u00e7inde Kazakistan ve Rusya\u2019n\u0131n da Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n Hazar konusundaki yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 kabul etmeleri \u0130ran\u2019\u0131 zor durumda b\u0131rakm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ancak neticede \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n muhalefeti nedeniyle Hazar\u2019\u0131n hukuki stat\u00fcs\u00fc \u00fczerinde bir anla\u015fmaya da var\u0131lamam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n Sonu\u00e7 ve Genel De\u011ferlendirme<\/p>\n \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n yak\u0131n tarihindeki en b\u00fcy\u00fck tehdit alg\u0131lamalar\u0131ndan biri olan SSCB\u2019nin ortadan kalkmas\u0131yla birlikte, Ruslar ile karasal temas kalmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. SSCB\u2019nin \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fc ayn\u0131 zamanda kom\u00fcnizmi ideolojik tehdit olmaktan da \u00e7\u0131karm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Kafkasya ve Orta Asya\u2019da ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan yeni devletler, \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcndeki potansiyel n\u00fcfuz alan\u0131 olarak belirmi\u015ftir. Halihaz\u0131rda \u0130ran bu b\u00f6lgenin b\u00fcy\u00fck k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131 kendi tarihinin ve \u201ck\u00fclt\u00fcr havzas\u0131n\u0131n\u201d i\u00e7inde g\u00f6rmekteydi. Ayr\u0131ca baz\u0131 \u0130ranl\u0131 yetkililer Orta Asya ve Kafkasya cumhuriyetlerindeki geli\u015fmeleri dinsel bir perspektiften ele almay\u0131 tercih etmi\u015fti. Ancak \u015furas\u0131 kesindir ki, bu \u00fclkelerle sa\u011flanacak ekonomik ili\u015fkiler \u0130ran i\u00e7in b\u00fcy\u00fck bir f\u0131rsat alan\u0131 olabilirdi. \u0130ran bu \u00fclkelerin enerji ve di\u011fer zenginliklerini d\u00fcnya piyasas\u0131na sunmak suretiyle12) kendisini yeniden uluslararas\u0131 sisteme entegre edebilirdi.<\/p>\n SSCB\u2019nin da\u011f\u0131lmas\u0131 Tahran i\u00e7in bir dizi de tehdit do\u011furmu\u015ftur. So\u011fuk Sava\u015f\u2019\u0131n bitmesi uluslararas\u0131 sistemde \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n Bat\u0131 nezdindeki stratejik \u00f6nemini azaltm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ayn\u0131 d\u00f6nemde Ruslar\u0131n dengeleyici rol\u00fcn\u00fcn b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde sona ermesi, ABD\u2019nin Basra K\u00f6rfezi\u2019nde g\u00fc\u00e7lenmesine neden olmu\u015ftur. B\u00f6lgede T\u00fcrk cumhuriyetlerinin ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 ise, \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n g\u00fcvenlik dengelerini bozmu\u015ftur. Orta Asya ve Kafkasya cumhuriyetlerinde \u00e7o\u011funlukla T\u00fcrklerin ya\u015famas\u0131, \u0130ran siyasal literat\u00fcr\u00fcnde \u201cT\u00fcrk Cephesi\u201d kavram\u0131n\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131karm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Kendi s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7inde \u00f6nemli oranda T\u00fcrk\u2019\u00fc bar\u0131nd\u0131ran \u0130ran, s\u00f6z konusu durumu potansiyel bir tehdit olarak alg\u0131lamaya ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu do\u011frultuda \u00f6zellikle Azerbaycan, \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n tehdit alg\u0131lamas\u0131n\u0131n merkezine oturmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n \u0130ran, Da\u011fl\u0131k Karaba\u011f sorununu temel alarak b\u00f6lgedeki dinsel ve etnik farkl\u0131klar\u0131 potansiyel bir istikrars\u0131zl\u0131k alan\u0131 olarak g\u00f6rmektedir. Kafkasya\u2019daki her t\u00fcrl\u00fc s\u0131cak \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma ve kontrols\u00fcz istikrars\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n kendi milli g\u00fcvenli\u011fini tehdit etti\u011fini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmekte, bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede her t\u00fcrl\u00fc \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmaya kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n Kafkasya ile ilgili di\u011fer \u00f6nemli problemi, ABD ile ili\u015fkilerindeki sorun nedeniyle b\u00f6lgedeki n\u00fcfuzunun s\u0131n\u0131rlanmas\u0131d\u0131r. Di\u011fer taraftan Tahran y\u00f6netimi ABD\u2019nin Kafkasya ve Orta Asya\u2019ya n\u00fcfuzundan tedirginlik duymaktad\u0131r. \u0130ran, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin b\u00f6lgedeki n\u00fcfuzunu da ABD politikalar\u0131 \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde de\u011ferlendirmektedir.<\/p>\n \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n b\u00f6lgedeki tehdit alg\u0131lamas\u0131 ve uluslararas\u0131 sistemdeki yeri, Rusya merkezli bir d\u0131\u015f politika geli\u015ftirmesini zorunlu k\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu do\u011frultuda, Rusya\u2019n\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 korumak ve onu Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z Devletler Toplulu\u011fu i\u00e7inde g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc k\u0131lma \u00e7abas\u0131na girmi\u015ftir. \u201cT\u00fcrk Cephesi\u201dni potansiyel tehdit olarak g\u00f6ren \u0130ran, her t\u00fcr T\u00fcrk\u00e7\u00fc harekete kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kmakta ve bu ba\u011flamda T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin etkinli\u011fini azaltmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmaktad\u0131r. Ayr\u0131ca, b\u00f6lgedeki istikrars\u0131zl\u0131k nedeni olan a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 milliyet\u00e7i ve dinsel hareketlere de kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kan \u0130ran, Kafkasya \u00fczerinden uluslararas\u0131 sisteme entegre olma ve Hazar havzas\u0131nda daha fazla etkili olma \u00e7abas\u0131ndad\u0131r.<\/p>\n <\/span>KAYNAKCA:<\/span><\/b> Arif Keskin Kafkasya, etnik ve mezhepsel çeşitliliği ve siyasi yapısı nedeniyle çok karmaşık ve hassas bir konumdadır. Bölgeye komşu Rusya, İran ve Türkiye ile fiziki teması olmayan Avrupa, ABD ve NATO’nun Kafkasya’daki arayışları, çıkarların sıklıkla çatışmasını ve bölgedeki istikrarsızlık potansiyelinin artmasını beraberinde getirmektedir. Bu açıdan bakıldığında Kafkasya’daki siyasi süreçlerin şekillenmesinde komşularının (Rusya, Türkiye ve İran) 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\nT\u00fcm bu endi\u015felerle \u0130ran, Ortado\u011fu\u2019dan farkl\u0131 olarak, Kafkasya ve Orta Asya\u2019da bir devrim ihrac\u0131 aray\u0131\u015f\u0131na girmemi\u015ftir. \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n \u00c7e\u00e7enistan ve Azerbaycan-Ermenistan \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131ndaki tutumu bu olguyu net olarak g\u00f6stermektedir. \u0130ran, \u00c7e\u00e7enistan konusunda a\u00e7\u0131k bir tav\u0131r almam\u0131\u015f ve b\u00fct\u00fcn a\u00e7\u0131klamalar\u0131n\u0131 \u0130slam Konferans\u0131 \u00e7at\u0131s\u0131 alt\u0131nda ve insani-sivil yard\u0131m \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde yapm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u00c7e\u00e7enistan davas\u0131yla ilgilenmemek, \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n dini kimli\u011fi ile \u00e7eli\u015fen bir tutumdur. \u00c7e\u00e7enistan olay\u0131 Ortado\u011fu\u2019da ya\u015fansayd\u0131 \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n \u00e7ok daha farkl\u0131 bir tav\u0131r tak\u0131nabilece\u011fi a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r. Keza Azerbaycan-Ermenistan meselesinde \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n tarafs\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klamas\u0131 kimilerine g\u00f6re \u015eii devlet kimli\u011fiyle \u00e7eli\u015fmektedir. Biri H\u0131ristiyan di\u011feri \u015eii olan bir \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmada tarafs\u0131z kal\u0131nmas\u0131 ve hatta pek \u00e7oklar\u0131na g\u00f6re pratikte Ermenistan\u2019\u0131n desteklemesi, \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n Kafkasya\u2019daki jeopolitik kayg\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 ideolojik emellerinin \u00f6n\u00fcnde tuttu\u011funa g\u00fczel bir \u00f6rnektir<\/p>\n
\nG\u00fcrcistan\u2019\u0131n \u0130ran\u2019a s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131 olmamas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131n, Karadeniz yeni jeopoliti\u011fi ve Rusya-Ukrayna ile olan ili\u015fkileri, Tiflis\u2019in durumunu \u00f6nemli k\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. Ayr\u0131ca G\u00fcrcistan\u2019\u0131n patlamaya elveri\u015fli bir etnik ve mezhepsel yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n olmas\u0131, istikrars\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n b\u00f6lgeye yay\u0131lma tehlikesi, \u0130ran\u2019\u0131 dikkatli olmaya mecbur b\u0131rakmaktad\u0131r. G\u00fcrcistan\u2019\u0131n Bat\u0131\u2019yla \u00e7ok daha yak\u0131n olma iste\u011fi ve NATO\u2019ya girme arzusu \u015f\u00fcphesiz \u0130ran i\u00e7in bir ba\u015fka endi\u015fe kayna\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. Ayr\u0131ca G\u00fcrcistan\u2019daki \u201cG\u00fcl Devrimi\u201d devrimiyle ilgili olarak, \u201c\u0130ran i\u00e7in de emsal te\u015fkil edebilir mi?\u201d sorusu uzun s\u00fcre tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n
\n1)\u00a0<\/b>\u00c7ingiz Pehlivan, \u201cMilliyet, Mezheb ve Ayendeye Temeddon-e \u0130rani\u201d, \u0130ran \u2013e Ferda, No.3, 1371, Tahran, s.16
\n2)<\/b>\u00a0Cehangir Keremi, \u201cBazi Bozorg-e Cedid Der Gefgaz ve Peyamedhay-e Emniyeti An Beray-e Ayende-ye \u0130ran\u201d, Meceleye-e Siyaset-e Defayi, Cilt 8, No.1-2, 1378, Tahran, s.12
\n3)<\/b>\u00a0Cehangir Keremi, \u201cBazi Bozorg-e…, s.13
\n4)\u00a0<\/b>Meksud Rencber, Molahezat Emniyeti Der Siyaset-e Hareci Cumhuri-e \u0130slami, Tahran, Mutaleat-e Rahbordi, 1378, s.212
\n5)\u00a0<\/b>Cehangir Keremi, \u201cBazi Bozorg-e…, s.13
\n6)<\/b>\u00a0Edmond Herzik, \u0130ran ve Hoze Cenubi-e \u015eorevi-e Sabeg,Tahran, Merkez, 1375, s.46
\n7)\u00a0<\/b>G\u00fcney Azerbaycan kavram\u0131 siyasi bir anlam \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131\u015ft\u0131rsa da, bu yaz\u0131da \u0130ran’da ya\u015fayan Azerbaycanl\u0131lar\u0131n durumunu en iyi \u015fekilde ifade etti\u011fi i\u00e7in kullan\u0131lmas\u0131 uygun g\u00f6r\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. \u0130ran’\u0131n kuzey ve kuzey bat\u0131s\u0131nda yerle\u015fen Azerbaycan T\u00fcrkleri i\u00e7in sadece “Azerbaycan” kavram\u0131 kullan\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda Azerbaycan Cumhuriyeti anla\u015f\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. Bu olguyu ifade etmek i\u00e7in \u0130ran Azerbaycan’\u0131 s\u00f6z\u00fc ise yeterli de\u011fildir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc bug\u00fcn \u0130ran’da Azerbaycan ismi ile iki il vard\u0131r ve \u0130ran Azerbaycan’\u0131 s\u00f6zc\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bu iki ile i\u015faret etmektedir. Oysa Azerbaycanl\u0131lar sekiz ile da\u011f\u0131lm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. G\u00fcney Azerbaycan kavram\u0131 i\u015fte bu kapsama-d\u0131\u015flama sorununu a\u015fmak i\u00e7in kullan\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu kavram Azerbaycan Cumhuriyeti\u2019ni d\u0131\u015far\u0131da tutmakla birlikte \u0130ran’da ya\u015fayan b\u00fct\u00fcn Azerbaycan T\u00fcrklerini kapsamaktad\u0131r
\n8)\u00a0<\/b>Ermenistan-Azerbaycan \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc d\u00f6nemde G\u00fcney Azerbaycanl\u0131lar \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n genelinde g\u00f6steriler, mitingler ve oturumlar d\u00fczenleyerek; bildiriler yay\u0131mlayarak ve duvarlara sloganlar yazarak protestolar\u0131n\u0131 ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmi\u015flerdi. 1992 ilkbahar\u0131nda Tebriz kentinde \u00f6\u011frenciler Ermenistan\u2019a kar\u015f\u0131 bir g\u00f6steri d\u00fczenlediler. Bu g\u00f6steride \u201cErmenistan\u2019a \u00f6l\u00fcm\u201d ve Ermenistan\u2019\u0131n en yak\u0131n destek\u00e7isi olarak de\u011ferlendirdikleri Fransa\u2019ya ili\u015fkin olarak \u201cFransa\u2019ya \u00f6l\u00fcm\u201d sloganlar\u0131 at\u0131ld\u0131. Bu g\u00f6sterinin ard\u0131ndan Tahran\u2019da iki protesto daha ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti. Bu konu ile ilgili bilgi \u0130ran D\u0131\u015fi\u015fleri Bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n yay\u0131mlar\u0131nda da mevcuttur. Daha fazla bilgi i\u00e7in bak\u0131n\u0131z, Seyid Ata Tegevi Esl, Jeopolitik Cedide \u0130ran, Yay\u0131nevi bilinmiyor, Tahran, 1379, ss.159-160-161
\n9)\u00a0<\/b>\u0130ran\u2019da yay\u0131mlanan kitap ve bildirilerde Karaba\u011f Azerbaycan topra\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7inde yer almaktad\u0131r. Bkz. Behnaz Esedi Kiya, Azerbaycan, Tahran, \u0130ran D\u0131\u015f \u0130\u015fleri Bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131,1374 , s.128
\n10)<\/b>\u00a0Esedi Kiya, Azerbaycan, s.128
\n11)\u00a0<\/b>Cumhuriye-\u0130slami, 28 Haziran 1993
\n12)\u00a0<\/b>Meksud Rencber, Molahezat Emniyeti… , s.212<\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"