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Nilg\u00fcn Toker K\u0131l\u0131n\u00e7<\/span><\/b> \u201cBu d\u00fcnyadan gitmek zorunda kalaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z g\u00fcn, arkam\u0131zda daha iyi bir d\u00fcnya b\u0131rakmak, iyi bir insan olmu\u015f olmaktan daha \u00f6nemli olacakt\u0131r.\u201d (H. Arendt, Vies politiques, 227-228)<\/p>\n Arendt\u2019in bu s\u00f6zlerinde cisimle\u015fen temel tez, asl\u0131nda onun \u201cd\u00fcnyaya kar\u015f\u0131 sorumluluk\u201d kavram\u0131 ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda ortaya koydu\u011fu ve politika teorisinde kollektif sorumluluk kavram\u0131 merkezinde geli\u015ftirdi\u011fi bir yurtta\u015f eti\u011fidir. Bu politik etik, politikaya d\u0131\u015f\u015fal ya da onun par\u00e7as\u0131 olan bir etik de\u011fil, kendisi politik olan bir etiktir.<\/p>\n Arendt\u2019in yurtta\u015fl\u0131k eti\u011finin merkezi kavram\u0131 olan sorumluluk bir yandan Aristoteles\u2019in \u201cphilia\u201d- dostluk kavram\u0131na referans eder, di\u011fer yandan da Kant\u2019\u0131n Yarg\u0131 G\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn Ele\u015ftirisi\u2019nde ortaya koydu\u011fu \u201cgeni\u015fletilmi\u015f zihin\u201d, temsil edici d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnme kavramlar\u0131na dayal\u0131 olan ve yurtta\u015f etkinli\u011finin \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc seyretme ve yarg\u0131lama olarak tan\u0131mlayaca\u011f\u0131 Kant\u00e7\u0131 bir perspektife yerle\u015fir. Kant\u2019\u0131n Yarg\u0131 G\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn Ele\u015ftirisi\u2019nin bir yeniden okumas\u0131yla ortaya konulan bu yurtta\u015fl\u0131k teorisi asl\u0131nda Arendt\u2019in Bat\u0131 Akl\u0131\u2019n\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201ck\u00f6t\u00fcl\u00fck\u201d\u00fcn kaynaklar\u0131n\u0131 ara\u015ft\u0131r\u0131rken analiz etti\u011fi modern insanl\u0131k durumunun a\u00e7mazlar\u0131n\u0131 a\u015fman\u0131n ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc noktada ele ge\u00e7irilebilir bir teoridir.<\/p>\n Arendt, modern insanl\u0131k durumunu kavramaya y\u00f6neldi\u011finde, Bat\u0131 Ethos\u2019unun Sokrates\u2019ten beri tesis etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 moral \u00f6znenin, evrensel ya da rasyonel \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fctlere referans ederek kendi ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fczenleyecek olan ve bunu otonom iradesiyle yapacak olan \u00f6znenin, insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya geldi\u011fi bu b\u00fcy\u00fck \u201ck\u00f6t\u00fcl\u00fck\u201de nas\u0131l izin verdi\u011fi ve hatta bu k\u00f6t\u00fcl\u00fc\u011fe kat\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n ve destek olmas\u0131n\u0131n nas\u0131l m\u00fcmk\u00fcn oldu\u011funu sorarak ba\u015flar. Ba\u015fka terimlerle ifade edilirse; bu ahlaksal \u00f6zne, \u201cdi\u011feri\u201dnin yok edilmesine nas\u0131l izin verdi ya da bu \u015fiddete nas\u0131l kat\u0131labildi? Bu k\u00f6t\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olmas\u0131 Arendt\u2019e g\u00f6re iki temel fenomenin g\u00f6stergesidir. \u00d6ncelikle, evrensel ya da rasyonel referanslara ba\u015fvurman\u0131n bizi \u201ciyi insan\u201d yapmas\u0131, ya\u015fan\u0131lan d\u00fcnyan\u0131n \u201ciyi\u201d olmas\u0131n\u0131 garanti etmedi\u011fi a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r. \u0130nsanlar\u0131n vicdan\u0131, fa\u015fizmi engellemedi, hatta fa\u015fizm ve soyk\u0131r\u0131m vicdanl\u0131 insanlarla ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc, vicdanlar kendilerini yasaya uymu\u015f olmakla temizlediler. \u0130kinci olarak Arendt, totalitarizm ko\u015fullar\u0131nda t\u00fcm evrensel ve rasyonel referans noktalar\u0131n\u0131n silikle\u015fmesi hatta kaybolmas\u0131 fenomenine i\u015faret der. \u0130nsanlar, kendisine ba\u015fvurarak d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fckleri ve yarg\u0131lad\u0131klar\u0131 evrensel bir kural ya da de\u011feri kaybettiklerinde, asl\u0131nda yarg\u0131lama yetilerini kaybettikleri ve onlar i\u00e7in art\u0131k yasaya uyman\u0131n bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesiz edim, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmeden, yarg\u0131lamadan, de\u011ferlendirmeden yerine getirilen bir \u00f6dev haline geldi\u011fi bir durumda, her \u015fey m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc, evrensel ve rasyonel referanslar kayboldu\u011funda geriye d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmeyen irade kal\u0131r. Bu t\u00fcr bir irade, kendisine kapal\u0131, di\u011ferine ba\u011flanmayan, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla ortak ya\u015fam ilkesini di\u011feriyle ba\u011f\u0131nt\u0131da de\u011fil de yasayla kendi zihnine kapal\u0131 bir bi\u00e7imde ya\u015fayan k\u00f6r iradedir. (1)<\/p>\n Arendt\u2019in Eichmann davas\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda ortaya koydu\u011fu bu analizler, onun \u201ck\u00f6t\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn s\u0131radanla\u015fmas\u0131\u201d terimi alt\u0131nda ele ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 modern insanl\u0131k durumuna ili\u015fkin tespitleridir. Arendt, \u201ck\u00f6t\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn s\u0131radanla\u015fmas\u0131\u201dn\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn k\u0131lan \u015feyin, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnme yoksunlu\u011fu, yarg\u0131lama yetisinin kayb\u0131 olarak belirler. Bu nedenle ona g\u00f6re, y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 k\u00f6t\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131 moral sorun asl\u0131nda vicdanlarla ilgili bir sorun de\u011fil, ortak ya\u015fam kipinin ortadan kalkmas\u0131yla ilgili bir sorundur ve politik bir sorundur. Modern ahlaksal \u00f6zne i\u00e7in zihinde kategorik olarak tasarlanan di\u011feri referans\u0131, birlikte ya\u015fanan somut di\u011ferlerinin ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131 g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na almad\u0131\u011f\u0131na g\u00f6re, \u015fimdi yap\u0131lmas\u0131 gereken insan\u0131n kendi ya\u015fam ortaklar\u0131 olarak di\u011ferleriyle birlikte iyi ya\u015famas\u0131n\u0131n ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 aramakt\u0131r ve bu, politik bir sorundur. Ortak ya\u015fam\u0131n ilkeleri, payla\u015f\u0131lan ilkeler olmal\u0131d\u0131rlar; bu ilkeler birlikte eylemin ilkeleri olarak hepimizin ayn\u0131 haklara sahip olmas\u0131n\u0131 garanti etmeliler. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc m\u00fc\u015fterek ya\u015fam alan\u0131nda, politik alanda biz, inayet de\u011fil adalet istiyoruz. Bu ba\u011flamda Arendt, birlikte eylem arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla kurulan ortak d\u00fcnya idesine dayal\u0131 bir kolektif sorumluluk kavray\u0131\u015f\u0131 alt\u0131nda yurtta\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n modalitesini ortaya koymaya y\u00f6nelmektedir.<\/p>\n Bir anlamda yurtta\u015fl\u0131k eti\u011fi olarak adland\u0131rabilece\u011fimiz bu modalitenin temel kavram\u0131 kolektif sorumluluktur. Arendt politik-kolektif sorumluluk ile moral ya da hukuksal sorumluluk kavramlar\u0131n\u0131n birbirinden ayr\u0131lmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fini s\u00f6yler. (2) Moral ya da hukuksal sorumluluk idesi, ger\u00e7ekte y\u00fck\u00fcml\u00fcl\u00fck i\u00e7eren bir karakterdedir ve moral ya da hukuksal su\u00e7la ba\u011f\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131d\u0131r; bu nitelik moral ya da hukuksal zeminde sorumlulu\u011fun \u201cdi\u011feri\u201d ile ili\u015fkide de\u011fil, yasa zemininde tan\u0131mlanmas\u0131ndan kaynaklan\u0131r ve bu nedenle ya birey ve toplum aras\u0131nda ya da birey ve ahlaksal-dinsel yasa aras\u0131nda tesis edilen bir sorumluluk ili\u015fkisidir. Oysa politik\/kolektif sorumluluk, \u00f6zneler aras\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131nt\u0131da tan\u0131mlanan, yani bireyin t\u00fcm di\u011ferleriyle ili\u015fkisinde var olmas\u0131 gereken, bu nedenle de s\u00f6z ve eylemle g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr k\u0131l\u0131nmas\u0131 gereken bir sorumluluktur. Bu anlamda \u00f6rne\u011fin politik i\u015flere kat\u0131lmama, sorumluluktan uzak durma de\u011fil, sorumsuzluktur.<\/p>\n O halde yurtta\u015fl\u0131k eti\u011fi, di\u011fer insanlarla kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fmada temellenir, di\u011feri bu etikteki temel kavramd\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc politik insan, yurtta\u015ft\u0131r ve politikan\u0131n eti\u011fi ne salt bir me\u015fruiyet problemine indirgenebilir ne de soyut bir e\u011filimler tespitine. Tersine politikan\u0131n kendi i\u00e7inde ta\u015f\u0131mas\u0131 gereken politik etik, insanlar\u0131n insansal d\u00fcnyay\u0131 payla\u015fma talep ve arzular\u0131nda temellenir. Politika, insanlar\u0131n ortakla\u015fa ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdikleri bir eylem oldu\u011funa g\u00f6re, politik etik bu ortakla\u015fa eylemde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar ve bu, her bir insan\u0131n d\u00fcnyay\u0131 payla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 di\u011ferlerine kar\u015f\u0131 ve ayn\u0131 zamanda bu d\u00fcnyaya kar\u015f\u0131 sorumlu oldu\u011fu kabul\u00fcnde temellenir. (3) \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc, Aristoteles\u2019in dedi\u011fi gibi, toplum, birbiriyle denk olan ve bu nedenle her bir ki\u015finin di\u011ferinin \u201cautrui\u201dsi (di\u011fer-ben olarak di\u011feri) oldu\u011fu ve bu ili\u015fki i\u00e7inde her birinin di\u011ferine ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla kendisi d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki herkese kar\u015f\u0131 sorumluluk duydu\u011fu bir insansal ili\u015fki formudur. Bu t\u00fcr bir ili\u015fkiyi Aristoteles, philia, arkada\u015fl\u0131k olarak adland\u0131r\u0131r; philia, sitede yurtta\u015flar aras\u0131 ili\u015fkinin ad\u0131 olarak, diyalog, e\u015fitlik ve sayg\u0131 gerektirir. Arkada\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n temel karakteristi\u011fi, sevgi ve dikkatin, sempati ve moral sayg\u0131n\u0131n, taraflar\u0131n bireysel otonomi ve g\u00fc\u00e7lerini ortadan kald\u0131rmaks\u0131z\u0131n burada biraraya gelmesidir. B\u00f6ylesine bir birarada olu\u015fta insan di\u011ferine, Arendt\u2019in deyimiyle, kendini onun yerine koyarak davranacakt\u0131r. O halde, politik eti\u011fin temel kavram\u0131 t\u0131pk\u0131 politikan\u0131n temel kavram\u0131 gibi di\u011feridir ve di\u011fer insanlarla kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fmada temellenir.<\/p>\n Her t\u00fcr etik, bir \u201ciyi\u201d tan\u0131mlad\u0131\u011f\u0131na g\u00f6re, politik eti\u011fin \u201ciyi\u201dsi nedir? Mademki politik etik, yurtta\u015fl\u0131k eti\u011fi, d\u00fcnyaya ve d\u00fcnyay\u0131 payla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z di\u011ferlerine kar\u015f\u0131 sorumlulukta temellenir, o halde politik eti\u011fin \u201ciyi\u201dsi, insansal d\u00fcnyay\u0131 daha anlaml\u0131 k\u0131lma, di\u011ferleriyle diyalo\u011fu, tart\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmeyi korumad\u0131r. B\u00f6ylece yurtta\u015fl\u0131k eti\u011fi, bireyi kendindeki moral vicdanla de\u011fil, onu di\u011ferleriyle ili\u015fkisinde, d\u00fcnyayla ili\u015fkisinde yarg\u0131lamay\u0131 gerektirir.<\/p>\n Bu sorumluluk eti\u011fi her t\u00fcr politik yarg\u0131n\u0131n hakl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ve her eylemin me\u015fruiyetinin de temelidir. Yani her eylem, insanlar\u0131n ortakla\u015fa sahip olduklar\u0131, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla intersubjektif olan ortak duyuya (sensus communis) ba\u015fvurarak yarg\u0131lanacakt\u0131r ve bu ortak duyu asl\u0131nda ortakla\u015fal\u0131k \u00fczerinde kurulu bir anlamlar toplulu\u011fudur ve ortak duyunun bildirdi\u011fi, kelimenin geni\u015f anlam\u0131nda etik olan, nihai ama\u00e7, daha anlaml\u0131 bir d\u00fcnya kurmakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n Arendt d\u00fcnyaya kar\u015f\u0131 sorumluluk anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131, Kant\u2019\u0131n Yarg\u0131 G\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn Ele\u015ftirisi\u2019nde sensus communis\u2019i tan\u0131mlama tarz\u0131na dayanarak geli\u015ftirir.<\/p>\n \u201cSensus communis kavram\u0131ndan, kamusal duyu idesi anla\u015f\u0131lmal\u0131d\u0131r; yani kendisi i\u00e7inde her bir di\u011ferinin temsil edildi\u011fi bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnme formuyla ortaya konulan yarg\u0131n\u0131n t\u00fcm insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n ortak akl\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131yacakm\u0131\u015f\u00e7as\u0131na kurulaca\u011f\u0131 bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnme tarz\u0131, ele\u015ftirel bir yeti idesi anla\u015f\u0131lmal\u0131d\u0131r.\u201d (4)<\/p>\n Kant\u2019\u0131n yarg\u0131 g\u00fcc\u00fc, yarg\u0131lama yetisi olarak adland\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu ele\u015ftirel d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnme formu Arendt\u2019e g\u00f6re yurtta\u015fl\u0131k modalitesinin temelidir. Ba\u015fka deyi\u015fle, yurtta\u015f, s\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fcn ve eyleminin k\u0131lavuz yetisi yarg\u0131 g\u00fcc\u00fc olan \u00f6znedir. Arendt\u2019in yarg\u0131lama, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnme yetisine yapaca\u011f\u0131 bu \u00f6zel vurgu onun Eichmann davas\u0131ndan \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u015fu sonu\u00e7la ilgilidir: Hi\u00e7bir rejim asl\u0131nda o rejim alt\u0131nda ya\u015fayanlar\u0131n g\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc deste\u011fiyle ayakta durmaz; hatta bask\u0131 ve korku olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 durumlarda bile, e\u011fer insanlar d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnm\u00fcyor ve yarg\u0131lam\u0131yorlarsa, en barbar rejim bile varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrebilir. Yarg\u0131lamama durumu, her zaman onaylama durumu de\u011fil, \u00e7o\u011funlukla kay\u0131ts\u0131zl\u0131k durumudur ve kay\u0131ts\u0131zl\u0131k son tahlilde bir sistemle uyum i\u00e7inde olmak demektir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc yarg\u0131lama yetisi, iyiyi k\u00f6t\u00fcden ay\u0131rma yetisi ortadan kalkt\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, irade d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesizle\u015fti\u011finde, onu kendi iyisinin arac\u0131 k\u0131lacak kudrete sahip her t\u00fcrl\u00fc g\u00fcc\u00fcn var olmas\u0131 ve varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmesi m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n Ancak, insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n t\u00fcm evrensel ve rasyonel referanslar\u0131n\u0131 kaybetti\u011fi durumda nas\u0131l yarg\u0131layacaklar? Arendt\u2019e g\u00f6re zaten modern insanl\u0131k krizinin kaynaklar\u0131ndan birisi de budur. Ortak ya\u015famda d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnme ve yarg\u0131laman\u0131n evrensel ya da rasyonel referanslara ba\u011flanmas\u0131, m\u00fc\u015fterek ya\u015fam\u0131n \u00f6zel ya\u015fam\u0131n, bireysel ya\u015fam\u0131n d\u00fczenleyici ilkeleriyle \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi, modern insan\u0131n ortak duyuyu kaybetmesine neden olmu\u015ftur. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc ortak ya\u015fam\u0131 a\u015fan ya da ona onun d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndan gelen ilkeler, ortak ya\u015famda payla\u015f\u0131larak tesis edilen ilkeler olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan, bu alana tahakk\u00fcm ederek, asl\u0131nda bu alan\u0131n otonom varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 imkans\u0131z k\u0131lm\u0131\u015flar ve bunun sonucunda da modern insanl\u0131k krizi asl\u0131nda politik alan\u0131n la\u011fvedilmesi krizi olmu\u015ftur. Oysa, Arendt\u2019e g\u00f6re, ortak ya\u015fam\u0131n ilkeleri, ortak ya\u015fam\u0131n i\u00e7inden tesis edilmelidirler ve ortak ilkeler olmal\u0131d\u0131rlar.<\/p>\n O halde, Kant\u2019\u0131n sensus communis tan\u0131m\u0131nda ortaya koydu\u011fu bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnme ediminin, yarg\u0131lama yetisinin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 politik alan\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in de \u00f6n ko\u015fuldur. Bu, Arendt i\u00e7in politik alanda eylemek ve konu\u015fman\u0131n asl\u0131nda yarg\u0131lamak olaca\u011f\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc yarg\u0131lama yetisi, herhangi bir \u00f6nceden verilmi\u015f, kal\u0131c\u0131 kurala ya da evrensel bir ilkeye ba\u015fvurmadan, \u00e7o\u011fulluk ve \u00e7e\u015fitlilik durumunda, bu durumu a\u015fan bir a\u015fk\u0131n ilkeye ba\u015fvurmadan d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnen yetidir. Bu, yarg\u0131layan \u00f6znenin, yurtta\u015f\u0131n kendisini tek ba\u015f\u0131na d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnen bir \u00f6zne olarak de\u011fil, di\u011ferleriyle birlikte d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnen \u00f6zne olarak g\u00f6rmesi ile m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olacak bir edimdir ve Arendt\u2019in kendisini di\u011ferinin yerine koyarak d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnme olarak tan\u0131mlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir yurtta\u015fl\u0131k edimidir. (5) \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc yurtta\u015f, di\u011ferleriyle ba\u011f\u0131nt\u0131 i\u00e7inde bir var olu\u015f durumudur. O halde yarg\u0131lama, toplumsal bir tutumdur ya da bir anlamda kendisini ortak alanda ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftiren kolektif bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmedir.<\/p>\n Yarg\u0131lama yetisi, yurtta\u015f\u0131 bir topluluk i\u00e7ine sokmakla kalmaz, onu insanl\u0131\u011fa ba\u011flar. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc yarg\u0131lama yetisine e\u015flik eden d\u00fcnyaya kar\u015f\u0131 sorumluluk ilkesidir. Burada hemen, Arendt\u2019in sorumluluk ilkesinin sadece di\u011ferine de\u011fil, bir \u00e7o\u011fulluk olarak t\u00fcm di\u011ferlerine kar\u015f\u0131 sorumluluk oldu\u011funu ve bu anlamda yaln\u0131zca bizimle birlikte ya\u015fayanlara kar\u015f\u0131 de\u011fil, bizden sonra ya\u015fayacaklara kar\u015f\u0131 sorumlu olmay\u0131 i\u00e7erdi\u011fini s\u00f6yleyelim. Bu nedenle sorumluluk yaln\u0131zca \u015fimdi kategorisine ba\u011flanmayan gelecek kategorisini de i\u00e7eren bir modaliteye sahiptir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc yurtta\u015f, yaln\u0131zca bir praksis toplulu\u011fu kurmak sorumlulu\u011funda olan bir \u00f6zne de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda bu d\u00fcnyay\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn en iyi d\u00fcnya yapmakla sorumlu olan \u00f6znedir. Bu, ancak ve ancak, birlikte eylem i\u00e7indeki yurtta\u015flar\u0131n her birinin kendi bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 t\u00fcm di\u011fer bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 hesaba alarak tesis ettikleri bir ortak alan\u0131n yarat\u0131lmas\u0131yla m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. (Felsefelogos, 2004\/3, say\u0131 24)<\/p>\n D\u0130PNOTLAR:<\/strong> Nilgün Toker Kılınç Birikim Dergisi, 24 Aralık 2006 “Bu dünyadan gitmek zorunda kalacağımız gün, arkamızda daha iyi bir dünya bırakmak, iyi bir insan olmuş olmaktan daha önemli olacaktır.” (H. Arendt, Vies politiques, 227-228) Arendt’in bu sözlerinde cisimleşen temel tez, aslında onun “dünyaya karşı sorumluluk” kavramı adı altında ortaya koyduğu ve politika teorisinde kollektif sorumluluk kavramı 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\n<\/b><\/span>Birikim Dergisi, 24 Aral\u0131k 2006<\/span><\/p>\n
\n1) Bkz. Arendt H., Penser l!\u00e9venement, \u00e7ev. C.Habib, Belin, Paris, 1989, ss.115-122
\n2) Arendt H., \u201cCollective Responsibility\u201d, in Respomsibility and Jugement, Ed.J.Kohn, Schocken Pub. , 2003, ss.150-151
\n3) Roviello A.M., Sens Commun et Modernit\u00e9 chez Hannah Arendt, Ousia, 1987, s.45
\n4) Kant I., Critique de la facult\u00e9 de juger, \u00e7ev. A. Philonenko, Vrin, p.41, s.130
\n5) Arendt, Juger, \u00e7ev. M. R. D\u2019Allonn<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"