{"id":14307,"date":"2019-07-03T16:23:17","date_gmt":"2019-07-03T21:23:17","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/circassiancenter.com\/tr\/?p=14307"},"modified":"2019-07-03T16:23:17","modified_gmt":"2019-07-03T21:23:17","slug":"iranin-kafkasya-ve-orta-asya-politikalari","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.circassiancenter.com\/tr\/iranin-kafkasya-ve-orta-asya-politikalari\/","title":{"rendered":"\u0130RAN\u2019IN KAFKASYA VE ORTA ASYA POL\u0130T\u0130KALARI"},"content":{"rendered":"

\"\"<\/p>\n

Bekir Aydo\u011fan<\/span><\/span>
\n<\/span><\/b>Politika Dergisi, 26 Eyl\u00fcl 2011<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Kafkasya\u2019n\u0131n \u00f6nemli sorunlar\u0131 olan \u00c7e\u00e7enistan ve Azerbaycan ile Ermenistan aras\u0131nda ya\u015fanan Da\u011fl\u0131k Karaba\u011f Sorunu ve Orta Asya sorunlar\u0131nda \u0130ran, dini s\u00f6ylemi bir tarafa b\u0131rak\u0131p, ulusal \u00e7\u0131kar ve stratejik hesaplar\u0131na g\u00f6re hareket etmektedir.<\/p>\n

\u0130ran, Orta Do\u011fu\u2019da dini bir devlet gibi davran\u0131rken, Kafkasya ve Orta Asya\u2019da normal bir ulus-devlet gibi hareket etmektedir. Orta Do\u011fu\u2019da rejimin d\u0131\u015f politikas\u0131 \u00f6n plandayken, Kafkasya ve Orta Asya\u2019da devletin d\u0131\u015f politikas\u0131 \u00f6n planda tutulmaktad\u0131r\u00a0<\/span>(1).<\/p>\n

So\u011fuk Sava\u015f‘<\/span>\u0131n sona ermesi ve Sovyetler Birli\u011fi\u2019nin da\u011f\u0131lmas\u0131ndan sonra, \u0130ran Kafkasya ve Orta Asya\u2019ya y\u00f6nelik d\u0131\u015f politikas\u0131nda \u201crejim ihrac\u0131\u201d politikas\u0131n\u0131 bir tarafa b\u0131rakarak, \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n g\u00fcvenli\u011finin ve rejiminin korunmas\u0131na y\u00f6nelik politikalar takip etmeye ba\u015flad\u0131. \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n hayati \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131, s\u00f6z konusu b\u00f6lgede dini s\u00f6ylemin \u00f6n\u00fcne ge\u00e7ti. Hatta, \u0130ran Azerbaycan meselesinde oldu\u011fu gibi bazen buradaki M\u00fcsl\u00fcman n\u00fcfusu kendine tehdit olarak alg\u0131lad\u0131. \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n Kafkasya ve Orta Asya politikas\u0131nda din sadece k\u00fclt\u00fcrel bir \u00f6zellikmi\u015f gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnd\u00fc. \u0130ran, Sovyetler Birli\u011fi\u2019nin ani da\u011f\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 \u201crejim ihrac\u0131\u201d i\u00e7in \u00f6nemli ve yeni bir alan olarak g\u00f6rmedi. \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n g\u00fcvenli\u011fi bu b\u00f6lgede daha \u00f6n plana \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131 ve kendi g\u00fcvenli\u011finin sa\u011flanmas\u0131nda \u0130ran, Rusya ile ili\u015fkileri, b\u00f6lgede yeni ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan M\u00fcsl\u00fcman n\u00fcfusa sahip devletlerle olan ili\u015fkilerden daha \u00f6nemli g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u00a0<\/span>(2).<\/p>\n

1990\u2019lar\u0131n ilk yar\u0131s\u0131nda M\u00fcsl\u00fcman \u00c7e\u00e7enlerin tek tarafl\u0131 olarak Rusya\u2019dan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k ilan etmeleri ve sonras\u0131nda \u00c7e\u00e7enistan yerel h\u00fck\u00fcmetinin \u00fclkede \u015feriat hukukunu kabul etmesi, \u0130ran taraf\u0131ndan hi\u00e7 de ho\u015f kar\u015f\u0131lanmad\u0131. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu b\u00f6lgede \u0130ran, \u015feriat devletinden \u00e7ok kendi g\u00fcvenli\u011fini \u00f6n planda tutmaktayd\u0131. \u0130ran s\u00f6z konusu sorunda s\u00f6ylem baz\u0131nda da olsa \u00c7e\u00e7enistan M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131na destek vermedi\u011fi gibi, sorunu Rusya\u2019n\u0131n bir i\u00e7 meselesi olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fc. Bunun yan\u0131nda \u0130ran, Rusya taraf\u0131ndan \u00c7e\u00e7enistan\u2019da M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fcl\u00fcrken Rusya ile stratejik d\u00fczeyde adland\u0131r\u0131labilecek ili\u015fkiler kurmaktan geri kalmad\u0131. \u00c7e\u00e7enistan konusundaki \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n sessiz\/Rusya\u2019y\u0131 onaylay\u0131c\u0131 tavr\u0131, Rusya taraf\u0131ndan memnuniyetle kar\u015f\u0131land\u0131. \u0130ran, Orta Do\u011fu politikas\u0131n\u0131n tam tersi \u00c7e\u00e7enistan sorununda dini hi\u00e7 dikkate almayan bir politikayla Rusya\u2019n\u0131n \u201ctoprak b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne sayg\u0131l\u0131 oldu\u011funu\u201d dile getirdi. 14 \u201cRejim ihrac\u0131\u201d politikas\u0131 Kafkasya\u2019da g\u00fcndem d\u0131\u015f\u0131 kald\u0131. \u00c7e\u00e7enistan sorununda \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n ortaya koydu\u011fu tav\u0131r, bu \u00fclkenin ne kadar dini bir devlet oldu\u011funu a\u00e7\u0131k bir \u015fekilde sergiledi. Bu durumdan anla\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fczere, \u0130ran\u2019la \u00c7e\u00e7enistan aras\u0131ndaki dini ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u00f6nemli olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 veya devletin \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131n\u0131n dini ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131ktan \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli oldu\u011fu ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f oldu. \u201cDevlet mi dinin hizmetinde din mi devletin hizmetinde?\u201d sorusunun cevab\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde verilmi\u015f oldu\u00a0<\/span>(3).<\/p>\n

Kafkasya\u2019da Azerbaycan ile Ermenistan aras\u0131nda ya\u015fanan Da\u011fl\u0131k Karaba\u011f sorunu ve \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n bu sorun kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 tav\u0131r dinin \u0130ran d\u0131\u015f politikas\u0131ndaki yerini a\u00e7\u0131k bir \u015fekilde g\u00f6stermektedir. \u0130ran Azerbaycan\u2019la sadece ayn\u0131 dini payla\u015fmakla kalmay\u0131p, ayn\u0131 zamanda ayn\u0131 mezhebi (\u015eiilik) hatta \u015eiili\u011finde ayn\u0131 kolunu (\u0130mamiyye \u015eias\u0131) payla\u015fmaktad\u0131r. Buna ra\u011fmen, Da\u011fl\u0131k Karaba\u011f sorununda Azerbaycan\u2019n\u0131n \u201chakl\u0131 davas\u0131nda\u201d destek vermedi\u011fi gibi Ermenistan\u2019la gayet iyi ili\u015fkiler kurabilmektedir. Bug\u00fcn Ermenistan Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n y\u00fczde 20\u2019sini i\u015fgal etmi\u015f bulunmaktad\u0131r ve bu i\u015fgalden dolay\u0131 bir bu\u00e7uk milyondan fazla M\u00fcsl\u00fcman Azeri halk\u0131 topraklar\u0131ndan uzaklarda \u201cka\u00e7k\u0131n\u201d durumundad\u0131r. Azerbaycan\u2019da bunlar ya\u015fan\u0131rken, \u0130ran b\u0131rak\u0131n Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n yan\u0131nda olmay\u0131, tarafs\u0131z dahi duramamakta ve a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ayn\u0131 dini\/mezhebi payla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 Azerbaycan\u2019a de\u011fil de Ermenistan\u2019a vermektedir. \u0130ranl\u0131 resmi yetkililer Da\u011fl\u0131k Karaba\u011f sorununun iki taraf aras\u0131nda yap\u0131lan g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelerle bar\u0131\u015f\u00e7\u0131 bir \u015fekilde \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcme kavu\u015fturulmas\u0131n\u0131 dile getirmektedirler. L\u00fcbnan\u2019da \u015eiilere\/Hizbullah\u2019a destek verirken \u201c\u015fahin\/ebabil\u201d olan \u0130ran, Kafkaslarda \u201cg\u00fcvercin\u201d rol\u00fc oynamaktad\u0131r. M\u00fcsl\u00fcman\/mezhebi Azeri karde\u015fleri i\u00e7in \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck deste\u011fi ise, sadece sorunun bar\u0131\u015f\u00e7\u0131 yollardan \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc konusundaki a\u00e7\u0131klamalar\u0131 olmu\u015ftur\u00a0<\/span>(4).<\/p>\n

Dini devrimden sonra \u0130ran, dini s\u00f6ylem kullanarak hem rejimini yeni b\u00f6lgelere ta\u015f\u0131ma imk\u00e2n\u0131 bulmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmakta hem de kendi i\u00e7inde dini rejimi koruma yoluna gitmektedir. \u0130ran d\u0131\u015f politikada kullan\u0131lan dini s\u00f6ylemle, rejimin i\u00e7eride me\u015fruiyet kazanmas\u0131n\u0131 ve tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n oda\u011f\u0131 olmaktan korunmas\u0131n\u0131 da planlamaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

\u0130ran \u2013 T\u00fcrkiye \u0130li\u015fkileri
\n<\/b>
\n1979 \u0130ran Devrimi\u2019nden \u00f6nce hem \u0130ran hem de T\u00fcrkiye ABD\u2019nin b\u00f6lgedeki m\u00fcttefikleri oldu\u011fu d\u00f6nemde T\u00fcrkiye-\u0130ran ili\u015fkileri de g\u00f6receli olarak olduk\u00e7a iyi idi. Devrimden sonra \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n Bat\u0131 ittifak\u0131ndan kopmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen, \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n par\u00e7alanmas\u0131n\u0131 veya Sovyet n\u00fcfuz alan\u0131na kaymas\u0131n\u0131 engellemek i\u00e7in ABD \u0130ran\u2019a yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131nda daha sakin davran\u0131rken T\u00fcrkiye \u0130ran ile diyalog kap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k tuttu. Hatta 1980\u2019lerde Bat\u0131 \u0130ran\u2019a ambargo uygularken ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin de ambargoya kat\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 beklerken T\u00fcrkiye, \u0130ran kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 ambargoya kat\u0131lmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ayr\u0131ca devrimden sonra \u0130ran, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin ABD ile ili\u015fkilerini ciddi bir tehdit olarak g\u00f6rmeye ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r(5).<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrkiye-\u0130ran ili\u015fkilerinde g\u00fcvenlik belirleyici bir konuma sahiptir. T\u00fcrkiye-\u0130ran ili\u015fkilerini g\u00fcvenlik a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan de\u011ferlendirirken; ikili ili\u015fkiler ve bak\u0131\u015f, b\u00f6lgesel geli\u015fmeler ve ittifaklar ile uluslararas\u0131 g\u00fcvenlik a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan geli\u015fmeler \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde de\u011ferlendirilmelidir. Bunlardan birisi \u00fczerinde yo\u011funla\u015f\u0131l\u0131rsa \u00e7\u0131kan sonu\u00e7lar eksik ve hatal\u0131 olacakt\u0131r. Gerek ikili ili\u015fkilerinde, gerekse b\u00f6lgesel politikalar\u0131nda T\u00fcrkiye ve \u0130ran, siyasi ili\u015fkileri iyi dahi olsa birbirlerine kar\u015f\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7 dengesi siyaseti izlemektedir. \u0130ki \u00fclkedeki tarihi rekabet ve jeopolitik rekabet nedeniyle, ikili ili\u015fkilerin iyi oldu\u011fu d\u00f6nemlerde dahi \u015f\u00fcpheci ve g\u00fcvenlik\u00e7i bak\u0131\u015f T\u00fcrkiye-\u0130ran ili\u015fkilerinde etkili olmu\u015f, iki \u00fclke aras\u0131ndaki g\u00fc\u00e7 dengesi korunmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u00a0<\/span>(6).<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrkiye i\u00e7in 1980 ve 1990\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llarda \u0130ran ideolojik bir tehdit olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc; \u015fimdilerde ise n\u00fckleer enerjiye sahip olmas\u0131 ve Ortado\u011fu\u2019da arkas\u0131na ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u015eii r\u00fczg\u00e2r\u0131 ve \u0130srail ve Bat\u0131 ile m\u00fccadelede liderli\u011fi ile T\u00fcrkiye i\u00e7in hem bir tehdit hem de b\u00f6lgesel liderlik a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan rakip olmaktad\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye, \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n n\u00fckleer politikas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kmayarak nihayetinde ABD ve Bat\u0131l\u0131 devletlerin T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye \u0130ran\u2019\u0131 dengelemek i\u00e7in kendi n\u00fckleer politikas\u0131n\u0131 yaratmas\u0131na yard\u0131mc\u0131 olabilece\u011fini ve zaten olu\u015facak n\u00fckleer \u0130ran kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 blo\u011fun uza\u011f\u0131nda kalarak, NATO \u00fcyeli\u011fi ve bat\u0131 ile \u0130ran\u2019a k\u0131yasla daha iyi ili\u015fkilerine g\u00fcvenerek, \u0130ran ile ili\u015fkilerini belirli bir seviyede muhafaza etmeyi planlamaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrkiye, \u0130ran ile olan ili\u015fkilerinde her zaman Bat\u0131l\u0131 devletlerin politikalar\u0131n\u0131 dikkate alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Her ne kadar son d\u00f6nemde T\u00fcrkiye d\u0131\u015f politikas\u0131n\u0131n Ankara merkezli belirlendi\u011fi s\u00f6ylense de radikal bir \u0130ran\u2019a kar\u015f\u0131 NATO \u00fcyesi ve AB aday\u0131 T\u00fcrkiye gerekti\u011finde \u0130ran ile ili\u015fkilerini g\u00f6zden ge\u00e7irmek ve araya mesafe koymak zorunda kalabilecektir.<\/p>\n

Sonu\u00e7 Yerine
\n<\/b>
\n\u0130ran\u2019\u0131n d\u0131\u015f politikas\u0131n\u0131 de\u011ferlendirirken tamamen \u015eii eksenli bir politika izledi\u011fini s\u00f6ylemek ne kadar yanl\u0131\u015fsa \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n \u015eii fakt\u00f6r\u00fcnden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir politika izledi\u011fini belirtmek de o kadar yanl\u0131\u015f olacakt\u0131r. Devletlerde d\u0131\u015f politika ulusal \u00e7\u0131karlara g\u00f6re y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcl\u00fcr. Bu nedenle \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n d\u0131\u015f politikas\u0131nda \u015eii fakt\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc \u201cinstrumentalism\u201d yani ara\u00e7salc\u0131l\u0131k y\u00f6ntemi ile a\u00e7\u0131klamak gerekir. Ara\u00e7salc\u0131lara g\u00f6re, etnik ve dini gruplara olan aidiyet duygular\u0131 ve grup i\u00e7i ili\u015fkileri beklenen faydayla do\u011fru orant\u0131l\u0131 bir \u015fekilde geli\u015fir. Di\u011fer bir ifadeyle \u0130ran, kendisine faydas\u0131 olmas\u0131 i\u00e7in \u015eii fakt\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc d\u0131\u015f politikas\u0131nda bir ara\u00e7 olarak kullan\u0131rken, Ortado\u011fu\u2019nun di\u011fer \u00fclkelerindeki \u015eii gruplar da kendilerine olan fayda do\u011frultusunda \u015eii kimliklerini \u00f6n plana \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131r ve \u0130ran ile ili\u015fkilerini geli\u015ftirmek i\u00e7in kullan\u0131rlar\u00a0<\/span>(7). Siyonizm ve Bat\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 \u0130ran, \u00f6zellikle 11 Eyl\u00fcl olaylar\u0131 sonras\u0131 Ortado\u011fu halk\u0131n\u0131n kendisine olan deste\u011fini art\u0131rm\u0131\u015f ve \u015eii ya da S\u00fcnni \u0130srail kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 bir\u00e7ok grup ile i\u015fbirli\u011fine gitmi\u015ftir. T\u00fcm bunlar \u0130ran d\u0131\u015f politikas\u0131n\u0131n sadece \u201c\u015eii Hilali\u201d iddialar\u0131yla a\u00e7\u0131klanacak kadar basit olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6stermektedir.<\/p>\n

<\/span>KAYNAK<\/span>\u00c7A:
\n1)<\/b>\u00a0Brenda Shaffer, \u201cThe Islamic Republic of Iran: Is It Really?\u201d, Brenda Shaffer (Edit.) The Limits of Culture: Islam and Foreign Policy, The MIT Press, Cambridge, 2006, s. 220
\n2)<\/b>\u00a0Mehmet \u015eahin, a.g.e., s.15
\n3)<\/b>\u00a0Mehmet \u015eahin, a.g.e., s. 16
\n4)<\/b>\u00a0Mehmet \u015eahin, a.g.e., s. 17
\n5)<\/b>\u00a0H\u00fcseyin Ba\u011fc\u0131 & Bayram Sinkaya, \u201cT\u00fcrkiye-\u0130ran \u0130li\u015fkileri: G\u00fcvenlik Perspektifinden Bir De\u011ferlendirme\u201d (Turkey-Iran Relations: The Security Perspective) (in Turkish and Persian), in 4.T\u00fcrkiye-\u0130ran \u0130li\u015fkileri Sempozyumu: K\u00fcreselle\u015fmenin T\u00fcrkiye-\u0130ran Toplumlar\u0131 \u00dczerindeki Etkileri ve Toplumlar\u0131n Kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fabilece\u011fi Problemler, (\u0130stanbul, September 24, 2005), Ankara, T\u00fcrk Tarih Kurumu, 2008, pp.1-10. s. 5
\n6)<\/b>\u00a0H\u00fcseyin Ba\u011fc\u0131 & Bayram Sinkaya, a.g.e., s. 6-7
\n7)\u00a0<\/b>Emin Salihi, a.g.e., s. 2<\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Bekir Aydoğan Politika Dergisi, 26 Eylül 2011 Kafkasya’nın önemli sorunları olan Çeçenistan ve Azerbaycan ile Ermenistan arasında yaşanan Dağlık Karabağ Sorunu ve Orta Asya sorunlarında İran, dini söylemi bir tarafa bırakıp, ulusal çıkar ve stratejik hesaplarına göre hareket etmektedir. İran, Orta Doğu’da dini bir devlet gibi davranırken, Kafkasya ve Orta Asya’da normal bir ulus-devlet gibi 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