{"id":2316,"date":"2019-02-22T21:37:52","date_gmt":"2019-02-22T21:37:52","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/circassiancenter.com\/tr\/?p=2316"},"modified":"2019-02-22T21:37:52","modified_gmt":"2019-02-22T21:37:52","slug":"aydin-profilimiz-uzerine","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.circassiancenter.com\/tr\/aydin-profilimiz-uzerine\/","title":{"rendered":"AYDIN PROF\u0130L\u0130M\u0130Z \u00dcZER\u0130NE…"},"content":{"rendered":"

Sezai Babaku\u015f<\/strong>
\n<\/span><\/span>06.11.2010<\/span><\/p>\n

Genel kabul g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015f pozitif tan\u0131mlamaya g\u00f6re, toplumlar\u0131n y\u00f6nlendirici g\u00fcc\u00fc ayd\u0131nlar\u0131d\u0131r. Ayd\u0131nlar toplumlar\u0131n akl\u0131, vicdan\u0131 ve yarat\u0131c\u0131 dinami\u011fidir; geli\u015fime, de\u011fi\u015fime \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck eden \u2018m\u0131zrak ucu\u2019dur… Yine de, toplum-ayd\u0131n ili\u015fkisi ve etkile\u015fimi hep tart\u0131\u015fma konusu olmu\u015f, ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n toplumsal konumu yetkinlik, sorumluluk, uyumluluk vs. k\u0131staslar \u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131nda daima sorgulanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Bizim gibi diyasporik topluluklarda ayd\u0131n\u0131n tan\u0131m\u0131, konumu ve rol\u00fc daha karma\u015f\u0131kt\u0131r. Temel soru, dahil olunan (b\u00fcy\u00fck-hakim) ana toplumun sosyal, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ve siyasal-ideolojik hegamonyas\u0131 alt\u0131ndayken (k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-\u00f6zg\u00fcn) diyasporik toplumun ayd\u0131n\u0131 olunup olunamayaca\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. Daha basit ifadeyle b\u00fcy\u00fck toplumun bask\u0131n ideolojisiyle yeti\u015ferek, akl\u0131yla d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnerek, diliyle konu\u015farak k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck toplumun ayd\u0131n\u0131 olunabilir mi?. Bu, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n her yerinde kafa yorulan bir sorudur, b\u00fcy\u00fck bir paradokstur.<\/p>\n

Bizim a\u00e7\u0131m\u0131zdan durum nedir?. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de \u00c7erkeslerin ayd\u0131nlar\u0131<\/em> ya da \u00c7erkes ayd\u0131nlar\u0131<\/em> var m\u0131d\u0131r?… Bu soruyu, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki ser\u00fcvenimize bakarak irdelemeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fal\u0131m.<\/p>\n

1800\u2019lerin sonunda Osmanl\u0131 topraklar\u0131na s\u00f6k\u00fcn etti\u011fimizde, sahip oldu\u011fumuz yegane \u2018ayd\u0131n\u2019 tipi bizi bu topraklara s\u00fcr\u00fcklemi\u015f olan feodal (aristokrat demeye dilim varm\u0131yor) beyler ve \u00f6nc\u00fc aile bireyleriydi. Bunlar \u2018ayd\u0131n\u2019l\u0131k postunu babadan o\u011fula devralanlard\u0131. Yan\u0131s\u0131ra, \u2018tamada\u2019 ya da \u2018ayhab\u0131\u2019 dedi\u011fimiz pratik hayat\u0131n yeti\u015ftirdi\u011fi postsuz-mektepsiz ayd\u0131nlar\u0131m\u0131z (kanaat \u00f6nderlerimiz) vard\u0131. \u00c7eyrek y\u00fczy\u0131lda yerlerini Osmanl\u0131 ordusunda y\u00fckselen asker-ayd\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na b\u0131rakt\u0131lar. \u00c7o\u011funlu\u011fu \u0130stanbul ve di\u011fer b\u00fcy\u00fck yerle\u015fim ve askeri b\u00f6lgelerinde yurt tutan bu ayd\u0131nlar\u0131m\u0131z, Osmanl\u0131l\u0131kla \u00c7erkesli\u011fi ba\u011fda\u015ft\u0131racak bir \u00e7izgi olu\u015fturma \u00e7abas\u0131ndayd\u0131. Osmanl\u0131\u2019n\u0131n kendi milliyet\u00e7ilik ideolojojisi yoktu, farkl\u0131 milliyetlerin kimliklerini koruma isteklerine ho\u015fg\u00f6r\u00fcyle bak\u0131l\u0131yordu. Yine de Sultan\u2019\u0131n \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131yla \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmamak gerekiyordu.<\/p>\n

1908\u2019de Me\u015frutiyetin ilan\u0131 i\u015fleri daha kolayla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131, asker-ayd\u0131nlar \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde kurulan \u00c7erkes Teav\u00fcn Cemiyeti diyaspora tarihimizin ilk ve en etkili \u2018\u00f6zg\u00fcn\u2019 sesi oldu. \u015eimali Kafkas Cemiyeti ve \u00c7erkes Kad\u0131nlar\u0131 Teav\u00fcn Cemiyeti\u2019nin kurulmas\u0131, \u00c7erkes Numune Mektebi\u2019nin a\u00e7\u0131lmas\u0131, Osmanl\u0131ca-\u00c7erkes\u00e7e Guaze dergisinin yay\u0131nlanmas\u0131, Abhazca ve Adigece alfabelerin haz\u0131rlanmas\u0131, okur-yazarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n yayg\u0131nla\u015fmaya ba\u015flamas\u0131 vs. tamamlay\u0131c\u0131 ad\u0131mlar oldu.<\/p>\n

1908-1923 aras\u0131 \u00c7erkeslerin diyasporada kendi kimliklerine en fazla tutundu\u011fu, \u00c7erkes ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n\u0131n hakim siyasi-k\u00fclt\u00fcrden en fazla ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve \u00f6zg\u00fcn siyasi-k\u00fclt\u00fcr bayra\u011f\u0131n\u0131n en y\u00fckse\u011fe \u00e7ekildi\u011fi d\u00f6nemdir. Ancak, 24 Temmuz 1923\u2019de imzalanan Lozan Anla\u015fmas\u0131\u2019nda \u00c7erkeslere az\u0131nl\u0131k stat\u00fcs\u00fc verilmemesiyle birlikte i\u015fler de\u011fi\u015fti. K\u0131sa s\u00fcre i\u00e7inde t\u00fcm \u00c7erkes \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeleri cumhuriyet devleti eliyle kapat\u0131ld\u0131, faaliyetleri yasakland\u0131. Yan\u0131s\u0131ra, \u00c7erkes Ethem ve beraberindekilerin tasfiyesi ve hem askeri hem sivil pek\u00e7ok ayd\u0131n\u0131n s\u00fcrg\u00fcn edilmesiyle T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki \u00c7erkeslerin ayd\u0131n omurgas\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6kertildi.<\/p>\n

Cumhuriyetin kurucu g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc elinde bulunduranlar\u0131n tercihi, monoetnik temele dayal\u0131 ulus-devlet kurmakt\u0131. Buna g\u00f6re, Lozan Anla\u015fmas\u0131\u2019nda az\u0131nl\u0131k olarak tan\u0131mlanan Ermeniler, Rumlar ve Yahudiler d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki t\u00fcm etnik unsurlar T\u00fcrk say\u0131lacakt\u0131 ve T\u00fcrkle\u015ftirilecekti. B\u00f6ylece sistemli asimilasyon ba\u015flat\u0131ld\u0131.<\/p>\n

Siyasi-ideolojik s\u00f6ylem, e\u011fitim ve k\u00fclt\u00fcr alan\u0131ndaki t\u00fcm faliyetlerin p\u00fcr-\u00fc pak T\u00fcrkle\u015fmesiyle g\u00fc\u00e7lendirildi. Yerle\u015fik etnik gruplarla birlikte bizim gibi Osmanl\u0131n\u0131n bakiyesi ithal etnik gruplar \u00fczerinde kat\u0131 bir asimilasyon uygulanmaya ba\u015fland\u0131. Bu y\u0131llarda, \u00c7erkes Ethem\u2019i \u201cHain\u201d diye yaftalayan bask\u0131c\u0131 rejim \u00f6yle \u00fcrk\u00fctm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc ki, b\u0131rak\u0131n \u00c7erkes ayd\u0131n\u0131 olmay\u0131, \u201c\u00c7erkesim\u201d demek bile ba\u015fl\u0131ba\u015f\u0131na kahramanl\u0131kt\u0131.<\/p>\n

K\u0131sa s\u00fcrede, 1923\u2019lere kadar Osmanl\u0131 ho\u015fg\u00f6r\u00fcs\u00fcnde yeti\u015fen \u00c7erkes ayd\u0131n ku\u015fa\u011f\u0131 silindi. Yerini, kendini T\u00fcrk sanmaya ba\u015flayan, T\u00fcrk\u00e7\u00fcl\u00fck ve Turanc\u0131l\u0131k ideolojisine kap\u0131lan \u00c7erkesler almaya ba\u015flad\u0131. Bu do\u011fald\u0131, zira \u00c7erkeslerin bildi\u011fi askerlik, polislik vs. devletten ge\u00e7inmeli i\u015flerdi. Cumhuriyet d\u00f6neminde buralarda diki\u015f tutturman\u0131n ve y\u00fckselmenin olmazsa olmaz\u0131 \u2018iyi T\u00fcrk\u2019 olmakt\u0131. E\u011fitim buna g\u00f6reydi, ideoloji buna g\u00f6re. Sonu\u00e7ta T\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011fe dev\u015firilmi\u015f bir \u00c7erkes \u2018ayd\u0131n\u2019 s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 has\u0131l oldu. Bu trajik d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn en u\u00e7 \u00f6rne\u011fi Nihal Ats\u0131z\u2019d\u0131r. Kendi toplumunu-kimli\u011fini T\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131 sayacak kadar savrulmu\u015f ve T\u00fcrk \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131s\u0131 olmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n

Ba\u015fka kimliklere \u00f6yk\u00fcnmek, kendi kimli\u011fini ba\u015fka kimlikler u\u011fruna reddetmek-satmak, tarihten g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcze (\u00f6zellikle s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecilik d\u00f6nemlerinde) t\u00fcm toplumlarda s\u0131k\u00e7a raslanan bir ger\u00e7ektir. Kimileyin hayatta kalmak i\u00e7in, kimileyin \u00e7\u0131kar i\u00e7in, kimileyin de do\u011fru oldu\u011fu san\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in taraf de\u011fi\u015ftirilir. Bizde hepsi i\u00e7i\u00e7eydi. O y\u00fczden bukalemunumuz \u00e7ok oldu.<\/p>\n

Bu ret\u00e7i \u2018ayd\u0131n\u2019 ku\u015fa\u011f\u0131n toplumumuza verdi\u011fi hasar hem \u00e7ok b\u00fcy\u00fck olmu\u015ftur, hem sonraki ku\u015faklar\u0131 etkileyecek kadar kal\u0131c\u0131la\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Etkisi, tortusu hala s\u00fcrmektedir.<\/p>\n

Yine de, 1950\u2019lerde esmeye ba\u015flayan demokrasi r\u00fczgar\u0131 ve kentle\u015fme s\u00fcreci yeni \u00c7erkes ayd\u0131n ku\u015fa\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131karm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u0130lk ad\u0131m\u0131 atanlar maalesef yine devletten ge\u00e7inmelilerdir. \u00c7ift\u00e7ilikten \u00f6te bir becerisi olmayan bizler i\u00e7in, k\u00f6yden kente ge\u00e7i\u015fin garantili ve \u2018haval\u0131\u2019 yolu asker-polis olmakt\u0131. Biraz \u00f6yle geldik kentlere, biraz fabrika i\u015f\u00e7isi olarak. Belki binde birimiz ticaret erbab\u0131 olmay\u0131 becermi\u015fti.<\/p>\n

\u0130\u015fte kentlere gelen bu karma\u015f\u0131k gruplar, geride b\u0131rakt\u0131klar\u0131 k\u0131rsal feodal k\u00fclt\u00fcrlerini ya\u015fayabilecekleri ortamlara ihtiya\u00e7 duydular. Arada bir bulu\u015facaklar\u0131, biraz muhabbet, biraz m\u00fczik-dans edebilecekleri ortamlar. Bug\u00fcnk\u00fc derneklerin kurulu\u015fu b\u00f6yle ba\u015flad\u0131.<\/p>\n

K\u00f6yden kente gelen ilk ku\u015fak ihtiya\u00e7 tan\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 tamamen feodal k\u00fclt\u00fcre, k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc de e\u011flence ve dansa odaklam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Sonra, farkl\u0131 uzmanl\u0131k alanlar\u0131nda \u00fcniversiite okumak \u00fczere ge\u00e7ler gelmeye ba\u015flad\u0131. 1960\u2019lar\u0131n ikinci yar\u0131s\u0131nda memleketin her yan\u0131nda y\u00fckselen de\u011ferler, \u00f6\u011frenci gen\u00e7lerimizi, i\u015f\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7ilerimizi de etkilemeye ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Yava\u015f yava\u015f politize olunuyordu.<\/p>\n

\u0130ki u\u00e7lu bir politizasyon vard\u0131; genel ortamdan edinilip ta\u015f\u0131nan siyasi politizasyon (genellikle sol siyasi s\u00f6ylem) ve kendi i\u00e7inde \u00fcretilen kimlik politizasyonu. Dernekler b\u00fcnyesinde geli\u015fen bu s\u00fcre\u00e7, epey aradan sonra yeniden \u00c7erkes ayd\u0131n ku\u015fa\u011f\u0131n\u0131n olu\u015fumuna \u00f6nayak oldu. Yine de acemi, \u00fcrkek ad\u0131mlard\u0131. Ve de hakim toplumun g\u00fcndemine, siyasi-ideolojik eksenine fazlas\u0131yla ba\u011fl\u0131yd\u0131. En az\u0131ndan b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fikti.<\/p>\n

1908-1923 d\u00f6nemi ayd\u0131nlar\u0131yla 1950\u2019dan sonraki ayd\u0131n ku\u015fa\u011f\u0131m\u0131z aras\u0131ndaki en \u00f6nemli fark, ilkinin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 anatanla \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015ftirenlerden olu\u015fmas\u0131, ikincisinin ise varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 Anadolu\u2019nun k\u0131rsal\u0131nda muhafaza etti\u011fi k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcyle \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015ftirmesiydi. Ba\u015fka bir de\u011fi\u015fle birinin referans\u0131 vatan, di\u011ferinin ise k\u00fclt\u00fcrd\u00fc.<\/p>\n

1970\u2019lerden sonra, bu dernek yap\u0131lanmalar\u0131ndan yeti\u015fen ayd\u0131nlar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n bir k\u0131sm\u0131, \u201cd\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f hareketi\u201d ad\u0131yla bir farkl\u0131l\u0131k yaratt\u0131. \u00d6zetle, kimli\u011fin ve k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn diyasporada korunamayaca\u011f\u0131, tek varolu\u015f yolunun anavatana d\u00f6nmekle m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olaca\u011f\u0131 \u00f6nermesine dayanan bu hareket k\u0131sa s\u00fcre i\u00e7inde etkin bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce k\u00fclliyesi olu\u015fturdu. Bu harekete \u00f6nayak olan ayd\u0131nlar bir bak\u0131ma hakim toplum g\u00fcndeminde ve siyasi-ideolojik blokaj\u0131na, velhas\u0131l T\u00fcrkle\u015fmeye \u2018terketme\u2019 \u00f6nermesiyle meydan okumu\u015flard\u0131. Bu \u00f6nerme pratik hayatta yeterince kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k bulamad\u0131. Sovyetler y\u0131k\u0131l\u0131p anavatana eri\u015fimin kolayla\u015fmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen bulamad\u0131. Yine de, 1908-1923 d\u00f6neminden sonra \u00c7erkes ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n\u0131n hi\u00e7 de\u011filse bir k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131n kendi toplumunun ve kimli\u011finin ayd\u0131n\u0131 olabilmesi i\u00e7in att\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6nemli bir ad\u0131md\u0131.<\/p>\n

2010 y\u0131l\u0131nda neredeyiz?.. En ba\u015ftakii soruyu tekrarlarsak, diyasporada \u00c7erkes ayd\u0131nlar\u0131 var m\u0131? Kaynad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z b\u00fcy\u00fck toplumdan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z, o b\u00fcy\u00fck k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ve siyasal ideolojiden azade, kendi toplumunun gelece\u011fini \u00f6ne koyan ayd\u0131nlar\u0131m\u0131z var m\u0131?…<\/p>\n

Asl\u0131na bakarsan\u0131z, pa\u00e7am\u0131z\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde kapt\u0131rm\u0131\u015f olmam\u0131za ra\u011fmen en az\u0131ndan kapal\u0131 toplum ayd\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6zelliklerine sahip bir ayd\u0131n ku\u015fa\u011f\u0131m\u0131z var.<\/p>\n

Bug\u00fcn toplumu y\u00f6nlendirme \u00e7abas\u0131 veren \u00fc\u00e7 farkl\u0131 \u2018ayd\u0131n\u2019 k\u00fcmele\u015fmesinden ve \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesinden s\u00f6zedebiliriz;<\/p>\n

    \n
  1. Temel referans\u0131n\u0131 T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin ulus-devlet modelinden ve resmi ideolojinden alan, \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu devletten ge\u00e7inmeli (asker, polis ve di\u011fer memur emeklileri) ayd\u0131n k\u00fcmesi. Bunlar i\u00e7in \u00c7erkeslik T\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn i\u00e7inde ve yan\u0131nda olmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/li>\n
  2. Temel referans\u0131n\u0131 T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin resmi dininden (S\u00fcnni \u0130slam) alan, \u00f6zellikle son 20-30 y\u0131ld\u0131r y\u00fckseli\u015fte olan siyasi islam ideolojisine ba\u011fl\u0131 ayd\u0131n k\u00fcmesi. Bunlar i\u00e7in \u00f6ncelik \u00c7erkesli\u011fin islamla\u015fmas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/li>\n
  3. Temel referans\u0131n\u0131 kendi etnik aidiyetinden ve k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcnden alan, \u00c7erkes kimli\u011fini t\u00fcm di\u011fer kimliklerinin \u00fcst\u00fcnde konumland\u0131rmaya \u00e7abalayan ayd\u0131n k\u00fcmesi. Bunlar i\u00e7in \u00f6ncelik, diyasporada kimli\u011fin korunmas\u0131n\u0131 ve anavatanda varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n g\u00fc\u00e7lendirilmesidir.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

    T\u00fcm bunlar\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda, kendini yeri geldi\u011finde \u2018\u00c7erkes k\u00f6kenli\u2019 olarak tan\u0131mlayan, hi\u00e7bir aidiyet ve sorumluluk duygusu ta\u015f\u0131mayan \u2018kaybolmu\u015flar\u2019 k\u00fcmesi var. Ne yaz\u0131k ki en kalabal\u0131k grubu onlar olu\u015fturuyor.<\/p>\n

    \u2018Ayd\u0131n\u2019 tan\u0131m\u0131na, hele hele \u2018\u00c7erkes ayd\u0131n\u0131\u2019 tan\u0131m\u0131na hakk\u0131n\u0131 vererek d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fczde, yukardaki k\u00fcmelerden belki de sadece \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc dikkate almal\u0131y\u0131z.<\/p>\n

    Peki bu gruptakiler ger\u00e7ekten kendi toplumlar\u0131n\u0131n y\u00f6nlendirici g\u00fcc\u00fc olmay\u0131 ba\u015farabilmi\u015fler mi? Yani, kendi toplumlar\u0131n\u0131n akl\u0131, vicdan\u0131 ve yarat\u0131c\u0131 dinami\u011fi; geli\u015fime, de\u011fi\u015fime \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck eden \u2018m\u0131zrak ucu\u2019 olmay\u0131 becermi\u015fler mi?…<\/p>\n

    Bu soruyu ke\u015fkelerle s\u00fcsleyelim;<\/p>\n

    Ke\u015fke parlamentoda \u00c7erkeslerin s\u00f6zc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc \u00fcstlenecek kalibrede ayd\u0131n\u0131m\u0131z olsa. Ke\u015fke bize terc\u00fcmen olacak k\u00f6\u015feyazarlar\u0131m\u0131z, televizyon yorumcular\u0131m\u0131z olsa. Ke\u015fke bizden de Hrant Dink, Etyen Mah\u00e7upyan, Mehmet Uzun, Altan Tan, \u00dcmit F\u0131rat, Bejan Matur, Mario Levi vs. gibi kendi kimli\u011finin ayd\u0131n\u0131 olabilenler \u00e7\u0131ksa. Ke\u015fke Ahmet Hakan, \u0130smet Berkan, Taha Akyol vs. T\u00fcrkle\u015ferek de\u011fil de \u00c7erkes kalarak ayd\u0131n olma basamaklar\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kabilseydi. Ke\u015fke bunu ba\u015faranlar olsa…<\/p>\n

    Daha da \u00e7o\u011faltabilece\u011fimiz bu ke\u015fkeler \u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131nda yukardaki soruya d\u00f6nersek, nas\u0131l bir cevap bulaca\u011f\u0131z. Benim cevab\u0131m, \u2018eh kendi m\u00fctavaz\u0131 toplumsal varl\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcs\u00fcnde iyi k\u00f6t\u00fc ayd\u0131nlar\u0131m\u0131z var\u2019 olacakt\u0131r. Herkes kendi cevab\u0131n\u0131 verebilir.<\/p>\n

    Cevab\u0131m\u0131z \u2018hay\u0131r\u2019 olsa da sorun de\u011fil. Toplumsal geli\u015fim bir s\u00fcre\u00e7tir. Eksik kal\u0131nan, yetersiz kal\u0131n\u0131n yerler ko\u015fullar uygunla\u015ft\u0131k\u00e7a tamamlan\u0131r. \u00c7erkesler de y\u00fcksek kalibrede kendi ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7\u0131karmay\u0131 ba\u015far\u0131r…<\/p>\n

    Bunu belki kendi dilimizle yapamayaca\u011f\u0131z. En az\u0131ndan k\u0131sa vadede. \u015eartta de\u011fil. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de, Kafkasya\u2019da ve de d\u00fcnyan\u0131n pek\u00e7ok \u00fclkesinde de hakim dili kullanarak kendi toplumunun ayd\u0131n\u0131 olmay\u0131 ba\u015faran \u00e7ok \u00f6rnek sayabiliriz. Yeter ki, kendi kimli\u011fiyle olsun.<\/p>\n

    Hi\u00e7 ku\u015fku yok, bizim de gurur duyaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z, bize yol g\u00f6stericilik yapacak, bize sahip \u00e7\u0131kacak, bizi ileriye ta\u015f\u0131yacak, memleket s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131nda ve d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda sesimiz olacak ayd\u0131nlar\u0131m\u0131z yeti\u015fecektir. Hi\u00e7 ku\u015fku yok. Dilimizle olmuyorsa k\u00fclt\u00fcrel kimli\u011fimizle, onunla da olmuyorsa siyasal kimli\u011fimizle…<\/p>\n

    Evet, T\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn \u00c7erkesli\u011fimizi bask\u0131layacak kadar i\u00e7imize i\u015flemesi b\u00fcy\u00fck bir handikap. Ama iyi yanlara da bakmak laz\u0131m. D\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcn ki bug\u00fcn binlerce, belki on binlerce gencimiz \u00fcniversitelerde. Hem de bir \u00e7o\u011fu iyi \u00fcniversitelerde. Siyaset, uluslararas\u0131 ili\u015fkiler, sosyoloji, ekonomi, gazetecilik… velhas\u0131l ufku a\u00e7\u0131k modern bilim dallar\u0131nda e\u011fitim g\u00f6r\u00fcyorlar. \u00c7ok say\u0131da gencimiz akademik kariyer yap\u0131yor. Bu gen\u00e7ler, d\u00fcn oldu\u011fu gibi a\u011f\u0131r bir hakim k\u00fclt\u00fcr bask\u0131s\u0131, siyasi-ideolojik hegamonyas\u0131 alt\u0131nda de\u011fil. T\u00fcrkiye de\u011fi\u015fti, farkl\u0131l\u0131klara \u015fans tan\u0131nan bir \u00fclke oldu. Kafkasya art\u0131k daha yak\u0131n, etkile\u015fim daha kolay. Bunlar, \u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fczdeki d\u00f6nem i\u00e7in umut ve beklentilerimizi y\u00fckseltiyor.<\/p>\n

    1970 sonras\u0131 ku\u015fak (yani benim ku\u015fa\u011f\u0131m), idealizmi bol becerisi k\u0131t bir ku\u015fakt\u0131. \u015eimdi becerisi y\u00fcksek bir ku\u015fak geliyor. Tek eksikleri, biraz idealizm. \u0130lgisiz-u\u00e7ar\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcnmelerine bakmay\u0131n, k\u00f6klerine tutunmay\u0131 bizden daha iyi – daha do\u011fru ba\u015faracaklar ve bizi gelece\u011fe ta\u015f\u0131yacaklar. Umudumuz yeni nesil. Ger\u00e7ek ayd\u0131nlar\u0131m\u0131z onlardan \u00e7\u0131kacak. Sesimiz, s\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcz olacaklar…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

    Sezai Babakuş 06.11.2010 Genel kabul görmüş pozitif tanımlamaya göre, toplumların yönlendirici gücü aydınlarıdır. Aydınlar toplumların aklı, vicdanı ve yaratıcı dinamiğidir; gelişime, değişime öncülük eden ‘mızrak ucu’dur… Yine de, toplum-aydın ilişkisi ve etkileşimi hep tartışma konusu olmuş, aydınların toplumsal konumu yetkinlik, sorumluluk, uyumluluk vs. kıstaslar ışığında daima sorgulanmıştır. Bizim gibi diyasporik topluluklarda aydının tanımı, konumu ve 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