![\"\"](\"http:\/\/circassiancenter.com\/tr\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/02\/05.06.2014.jpg\")
<\/p>\n<\/p>\n
Sezai Babaku\u015f<\/strong> Abhazya\u2019da, mufalefetin parlamentoyu, y\u00f6netim merkezlerini ve radyo-televizyon kurumunu i\u015fgaliyle ba\u015flayan siyasi kriz, erken se\u00e7im mutabakat\u0131yla \u015fimdilik yat\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015f g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor. Krizin \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmaya d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmeden ve kan akmadan atlat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131n\u0131 bir teselli vesilesi saysak da, durum, \u201cd\u00fcnyaya demokrasi dersi veriyoruz\u201d yollu hamasetlerle ge\u00e7i\u015ftiremeyece\u011fimiz kadar ciddidir ve derinlemesine irdelenmeye muhta\u00e7t\u0131r. Abhazya\u2019da olup bitenler hem demokratik hukuk devleti olamaman\u0131n, hem de hen\u00fcz tamamlanmam\u0131\u015f olan ekonomik payla\u015f\u0131m sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131n sonu\u00e7lar\u0131d\u0131r. Bu y\u00f6n\u00fcyle, pek\u00e7ok \u00fclkede ya\u015fanan ve ya\u015fanmakta olan g\u00fc\u00e7 ve iktidar kavgalar\u0131n\u0131n bir benzeridir. \u0130stisnas\u0131 ve bizim a\u00e7\u0131m\u0131zdan ehemniyeti ise, bu kavgan\u0131n, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck ve ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k yolunda verilen ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc m\u00fccadeleyi ve kazan\u0131lan ba\u015far\u0131y\u0131 zaafa u\u011frat\u0131p u\u011fratmayaca\u011f\u0131, sadece Abhazlar i\u00e7in de\u011fil t\u00fcm Kuzey Kafkas halklar\u0131 i\u00e7in, sadece anavatandakiler i\u00e7in de\u011fil t\u00fcm diyaspora i\u00e7in y\u00fckselen umudu g\u00f6lgeleyip g\u00f6lgelemeyece\u011fidir\u2026<\/p>\n \u00d6nce, Abhazya\u2019n\u0131n son iki y\u00fczy\u0131lda nereden nereye geldi\u011fini k\u0131saca hat\u0131rlayal\u0131m; \u00c7arl\u0131k Rusyas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n sava\u015f ve s\u00fcrg\u00fcnlerle dolu y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 kolonizasyonundan Sovyet ihtilalinde ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir \u00fclke yaratma \u00e7abalar\u0131na, Stalin\u2019in bask\u0131c\u0131 diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc alt\u0131nda siyas\u0131 hak gasplar\u0131ndan asimilasyoncu istilalara, Sovyetlerin y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131ndan sonra G\u00fcrcistan\u2019\u0131n askeri sald\u0131r\u0131s\u0131na ve i\u015fgal giri\u015fimine kar\u015f\u0131 \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck sava\u015f\u0131 vermekten y\u0131llar s\u00fcren a\u011f\u0131r ambargolara ra\u011fmen ayakta kalmaya ve nihayet 2008\u2019de ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kabul ettirmeye…<\/p>\n \u0130\u015fte b\u00f6yle zorluklar\u0131 a\u015farak ve imkans\u0131zl\u0131klar\u0131 ba\u015fararak bug\u00fcnlere ula\u015fan Abhazya\u2019n\u0131n iktidar kavgalar\u0131na s\u00fcr\u00fcklenmesi daha bir ac\u0131 vericidir. Bu, azg\u0131n okyanuslar\u0131 ve f\u0131rt\u0131nal\u0131 denizleri a\u015f\u0131p bir ka\u015f\u0131k suda bocalamak gibidir.<\/p>\n Abhazya\u2019n\u0131n bug\u00fcn ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u0131k\u0131nt\u0131lar ve gerginlikler s\u00fcrpriz de\u011fildir. 1992\/93 sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131n ve y\u0131llar s\u00fcren a\u011f\u0131r ambargonun travmalar\u0131 yan\u0131nda harabeye d\u00f6nm\u00fc\u015f olan \u00fclkeyi yeniden imar edecek ekonomik ve teknik imkans\u0131zl\u0131klarla kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya kal\u0131nm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bunlara bir de, deste\u011fi ve etkisi alt\u0131nda oldu\u011fu (ve rol model kabul etti\u011fi) Rusya Federasyonu\u2019dan ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 yap\u0131sal hastal\u0131klar (otoriter y\u00f6netim modeli, yolsuzluklar \u00fczerine kurulu vah\u015fi ekonomik d\u00fczen, korkun\u00e7 gelir da\u011f\u0131l\u0131m\u0131 adaletsizli\u011fi) eklenmi\u015ftir. Demokrasi, hukuk ve makul bir ekonomik d\u00fczen ad\u0131na \u00f6rnek alabilece\u011fi Bat\u0131 d\u00fcnyas\u0131ndan bekledi\u011fi ilgi ve deste\u011fi g\u00f6rememi\u015f, aksine tecrit edilmi\u015ftir. T\u00fcm bunlar ad\u0131m ad\u0131m Abhazya\u2019y\u0131 bug\u00fcnk\u00fc gerilimlere s\u00fcr\u00fcklemi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n G\u00fcrcistan sald\u0131r\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck-ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k \u00fclk\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fcn birle\u015ftirdi\u011fi Abhazya halk\u0131, sonraki s\u00fcre\u00e7lerde ayr\u0131\u015fmaya ve kampla\u015fmaya ba\u015flam\u0131\u015f, ilk ciddi dalgalanma 2003 y\u0131l\u0131nda ya\u015fanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Y\u00f6netim zaaflar\u0131n\u0131n ve demokrasi-hukuk eksikliklerinin yan\u0131s\u0131ra, o zamanlar i\u00e7in tek kaynak olan sabit de\u011ferlerin (arazilerin, binalar\u0131n, otellerin ve di\u011fer turistik tesislerin, tar\u0131m \u00e7ifliklerinin ve k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck sanayi i\u015fletmelerinin vs.) payla\u015f\u0131m\u0131ndan ho\u015fnut kalmayanlar\u0131n olu\u015fturdu\u011fu muhalefet, ba\u015fkanl\u0131k se\u00e7iminde kendi aday\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7\u0131karm\u0131\u015f, sert ge\u00e7en se\u00e7im s\u00fcreci sonunda da kazanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Abhazya bug\u00fcne kadar o se\u00e7imi kazanan blok taraf\u0131ndan y\u00f6netilmi\u015f, iktidar\u0131 kaybedenler ise muhalefette kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u00d6zellikle 2008\u2019den itibaren, Rusya\u2019dan gelen hibeler (ki, 6 y\u0131lda 1 milyar dolar c\u0131var\u0131nda oldu\u011fu s\u00f6yleniyor) ve ba\u015fta turizm gelirleri olmak \u00fczere artan nakit giri\u015fi (ki, y\u00fczmilyonlarca dolar oldu\u011fu s\u00f6yleniyor), yeni bir payla\u015f\u0131m sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131karm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Yani, 2003\u2019lerde iktidar de\u011fi\u015ftiren sabit de\u011ferleri payla\u015fim kavgas\u0131, bug\u00fcn, nakit de\u011ferler\u0131n ve ticari imtiyazlar\u0131n da eklendi\u011fi b\u00fcy\u00fck bir payla\u015f\u0131m sava\u015f\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr.<\/p>\n Abhazya\u2019da iki kademeli bir payla\u015f\u0131m s\u0131k\u0131nt\u0131s\u0131 vard\u0131r. \u0130lki, eme\u011fiyle ge\u00e7inen geni\u015f halk kitleleriyle tepedeki elit az\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131n aras\u0131ndaki gelir da\u011f\u0131l\u0131m\u0131 adaletsizli\u011finden, ikincisi ise elitin kendi i\u00e7indeki payla\u015f\u0131m rekabetinden kaynaklanmaktad\u0131r. Kamu ve \u00f6zel sekt\u00f6rde \u00e7al\u0131\u015fanlar\u0131n ayl\u0131k ortalama maa\u015f ve \u00fccretleri 100-150 dolar c\u0131var\u0131ndad\u0131r, oysa hayat pahal\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 hemen hemen T\u00fcrkiye ortalamas\u0131 d\u00fczeyindedir. Buna kar\u015f\u0131n y\u00f6netici ve giri\u015fimcilerden m\u00fcte\u015fekkil k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir az\u0131nl\u0131k \u00e7ok b\u00fcy\u00fck paralar kazanmaktad\u0131r. B\u0131rakal\u0131m devletin \u00fcst y\u00f6netiminde olanlar\u0131, kamu kurumlar\u0131n\u0131n ve i\u015fletmelerinin y\u00f6neticileri ve bedelsiz ya da \u00e7ok d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck kiralarla devredilmi\u015f \u00f6zel i\u015fletmelerin sahipleri hat\u0131r\u0131 say\u0131l\u0131r bir zenginlik i\u00e7indedir. Bu oligar\u015fik az\u0131nl\u0131k grubu mensuplar\u0131n\u0131n servetleri her y\u0131l milyonlarca dolar artmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n Bug\u00fcn patlak veren olaylar, \u00e7ok d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck gelirlerle ge\u00e7im sa\u011flamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fanlar\u0131n ba\u015fkald\u0131r\u0131s\u0131 de\u011fildir; bu, tepedeki elitin kendi i\u00e7indeki payla\u015f\u0131m kavgas\u0131d\u0131r. Daha \u00f6nce iktidar g\u00fcc\u00fcnden nemalanm\u0131\u015f olup da yeni d\u00f6nemde bundan mahrum kalan ya da nemalar\u0131 yeni iktidar g\u00fcc\u00fcnden faydalananlar\u0131nki kadar h\u0131zl\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fcmeyenlerin meydan okumas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu kavga, kaba bir hesapla bir ka\u00e7 bin ki\u015fi aras\u0131ndad\u0131r. Muhalefet denilen taraf halk\u0131 etkileyecek s\u00f6ylemlerle (milliyet\u00e7ilik, demokrasi, yolsuzluk vs.) iktidar denilen taraf \u00fczerinde bask\u0131 kurmaya \u00e7abal\u0131yor. Oysa bug\u00fcn\u00fcn muhalefet liderleri, on y\u0131l \u00f6nce, bug\u00fcn\u00fcn iktidar liderleri taraf\u0131ndan ayn\u0131 s\u00f6ylemlerle ala\u015fa\u011f\u0131 edilmi\u015fti. Abhazya\u2019n\u0131n i\u00e7inde bulundu\u011fu ekonomik sistemin (ya da sistemsizli\u011finin) as\u0131l ma\u011fduru olan geni\u015f halk kitleleri hen\u00fcz \u00f6fkelerini d\u0131\u015fa vurmuyor, \u201cbunca m\u00fccadele, bunca sava\u015f ne i\u00e7indi?\u201d sorusununu a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131 alt\u0131nda, sab\u0131rla ve kayg\u0131l\u0131 bir sessizlikle geli\u015fmeleri izliyor. Elbet bu sabr\u0131n ve sessizli\u011fin de bir s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131 var\u2026<\/p>\n \u00d6zg\u00fcr ve ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z olmak, demokrasinin ve hukukun egemen olaca\u011f\u0131 bir devlet kurmak, bar\u0131\u015f ve refah i\u00e7inde ya\u015famak\u2026 D\u00fcnyan\u0131n her yerinde t\u00fcm halklar (toplumlar) bu de\u011ferler i\u00e7in m\u00fccadele etti, ediyor. Ba\u015faranlar var, k\u0131smen ba\u015faranlar var, hen\u00fcz ba\u015faramayanlar var, belki de hi\u00e7 ba\u015faramayacak olanlar var. Biz yolun en zor k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131 katettik, elbirli\u011fiyle \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck m\u00fccadelesi verdik ve ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011fa ula\u015ft\u0131k. \u015eimdi, kurdu\u011fumuz devleti y\u00fcceltmemiz, demokrasi ve hukuk d\u00fczenini kurumla\u015ft\u0131rmam\u0131z, refah\u0131 payla\u015fan ve bar\u0131\u015f i\u00e7inde ya\u015fan\u0131lan bir \u00fclke yaratmam\u0131z gerekiyor.<\/p>\n Toplumsal kabiliyet ile siyasi stat\u00fc birbirini tamamlayan \u00f6z ve kabuk gibidir. B\u00fcy\u00fck m\u00fccadelelerle kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z, b\u00fcy\u00fck bedeller \u00f6deyerek sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z siyasi stat\u00fcy\u00fc korumak, toplumsal kabiliyetimizi s\u00fcrekli g\u00fc\u00e7lendirmekle ve diri tutmakla m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. Aksi halde, \u00f6zle kabuk aras\u0131nda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kacak bo\u015fluk, kabu\u011fun \u00e7\u00f6kmesiyle sonu\u00e7lanacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n Bunca \u015feyi ba\u015farm\u0131\u015f Abhazya halk\u0131n\u0131n kabiliyetine, basiretine ve bilgeli\u011fine g\u00fcvenmeliyiz. Bundan sonras\u0131n\u0131 da ba\u015faracakt\u0131r\u2026<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Sezai Babakuş 05.06.2014 Abhazya’da, mufalefetin parlamentoyu, yönetim merkezlerini ve radyo-televizyon kurumunu işgaliyle başlayan siyasi kriz, erken seçim mutabakatıyla şimdilik yatışmış görünüyor. Krizin çatışmaya dönüşmeden ve kan akmadan atlatılmış olmasını bir teselli vesilesi saysak da, durum, “dünyaya demokrasi dersi veriyoruz” yollu hamasetlerle geçiştiremeyeceğimiz kadar ciddidir ve derinlemesine irdelenmeye muhtaçtır. Abhazya’da olup bitenler hem demokratik hukuk devleti 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\n<\/span><\/span>05<\/span>.06.2014<\/span><\/p>\n